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The Steering Committee of BHJA : Public protest to the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Republika Srpska and Police Department in Banja Luka for detaining journalist Vladimir Šušak for an informative interview

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Banja Luka, 25.12.2018. – The Steering Committee of BH Journalists Association and Free Media Help Line are directing a public protest to the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Republika Srpska and the Police Department of Banja Luka, for detaining journalists Vladimir Šušak, Correspondent of BHT for an interview.  Journalists Vladimir Šušak was detained this morning after he photographed Davor Dragičević in the Emergency car, that drove him from the Police Department after giving his statement.

Although the journalist Šušak was detained very shortly in the Police, where he gave basic information on himself and his work, along with professional and polite treatment by the police, BH Journalists Association and Free Media Help Line consider this act of the police as violation of freedom of expression and unacceptable interference into journalists professional work.

In this connection, the Steering Committee of BH Journalists Association remindes Mr Željko Spasojević, Commander of the Police Department Banja Luka, that the OSCE Guidelines for Police when dealing with the Media strictly emphasize that „Police cannot be involved or cannot punish journalists during their performing of tasks“, as well as that „journalists have right to take photos, to record, make notes, observe, make interviews and/or make reports without asking for promotion of government or police

The Steering Committee of BHJA requests an urgent and official apology from the Police Department Banja  Luka to journalist Vladimir Šušak, as well as respecting journalists rights and media freedom for all media and journalists who follow the public demonstrations in Banja Luka, activities of the group „Justice for Davida“ and all other events connected with the unsolved murder of the young man David Dragičević.

AJM presented the annual report for the indicators on the level of media freedom and safety of journalists in Macedonia

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SKOPJE, 25.12.2018 – The Association of Journalists of Macedonia today presented the annual report for the indicators on the level of media freedom and safety of journalists in Macedonia, prepared within the framework of the project: Western Balkan’s Regional Platform for advocating media freedom and journalists’ safety, funded by the European Commission.

In all three main indicators of the report, such are the legal framework for media freedom, the position of journalists in the editorial offices and the safety of journalists in 2018 there are no serious changes in the media sphere.

The director of AJM, Dragan Sekulovski, who pointed out that the government failed to improve the media regulation that was announced long time ago, presented the report. “The amendments to the Law on Audio and Audiovisual Media Services, which were supposed to create better media working environment, were not adopted at the Assembly. We are encouraged that the Government and the opposition are close to agreement and by the end of the year the law will be passed,” Sekulovski said.

He criticized that the Government failed to complete the remaining media legislative projects, for which a promise was given within the Reform Plan 3-6-9, i.e. the adoption of amendments to the Law on Defamation and the amendments to the Law on free access to public information.

“Not only there was no improvement in the media legislation in 2018, on the contrary there was even a certain setback,” said Sekulovski, adding that during the summer holidays, without any debate and completely in a non-transparent manner, the Government adopted the amendments to the Electoral Code and the Law on Financing of Political Parties. “These changes allow parliamentary parties to spend public money to finance media political propaganda during the election campaign and referendums,” Sekulovski said.

According to the AJM, such changes will have a negative impact on the freedom of the media, because it is indirect manner for returning government advertisements, with which the previous government bought the media affection and influenced their editorial policy.

Sekulovski also referred to the work of the courts in the country regarding their handling of defamation and insult claims. According to the AJM, this year the inappropriate application of the media regulation was noted. “There is a mismatched case-law on the Defamation Law. The Civil Court and the Court of Appeal in Skopje reject defamation lawsuits against online media explaining that they are not in the media, while the other Courts of Appeals act in the opposite way. AJM asked the Supreme Court to harmonize the case law, but so far, the court have not stated their position, “Sekulovski noted.

Some improvement this year have been noted for journalists’ safety, but the policy of impunity for the attackers of journalists is still present. “The number of attacks has been reduced by three times, and the first court verdicts have been passed against those who attacked journalists in the past. Unfortunately, the policy of impunity in Macedonia has deep roots. Of the 59 attacks, only two have been solved so far” Sekulovski said, adding that journalists will not be safe until the institutions investigate the complete and last attack by journalists and while the responsible ones are not brought to justice.

The report noted that there were no improvements in either the position of journalists in editorial offices, professional ethics, or the level of censorship. “In Macedonia, almost half of the journalists have lower salary than the state average, which is about 24 thousand denars. The majority of journalists have no fixed-term employment contracts, and 19 percent are temporarily hired as freelance workers. Over 55% of journalists are late for their salaries, “Sekulovski noted.

Finally, Sekulovski appealed to the Government to understand the seriousness of the situation faced by the media and journalists and to restore the media reforms in Plan 18. “Without freedom of expression Macedonia will not make significant progress in the Euro-Atlantic agenda, and the country will remain at the bottom of the world index for freedom of expression, “he said.

The full report can be found on the following link.

Judicial system and AJK together improving safety of journalists

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PRISTINA, 25.12.2018 – Threats and attacks coming from politics and business groups are part of the daily work of journalists in Kosovo. In 2018 only, there are 16 cases of threats or attacks against them. The last one was against the journalist of “Koha Ditore” newspaper, Agim Ademi, who was threatened by an official of Lipjan Municipality. The Association of Journalists of Kosovo (AJK) condemned the threat and the offensive language used against the journalist, who has stated that this is not the only case when he has faced pressure and threats during his work.

Even that, comparing with 2017, there are less threats and attacks against journalists reported this year, the number of these cases still worries AJK. According to this association, during 2017 there were reported 24 cases of threats and attacks against journalists.

To help journalists, starting from the last year, AJK has reached several agreements of cooperation with the Kosovo Police and State Prosecutor.

The President of AJK, Gentiana Begolli-Pustina says that the state security institutions are doing a good work in order to improve the mechanisms for protecting journalists. As an achievement, she mentions the appointment of a coordinator from Prishtina Court, who is in charge with journalists’ cases. According to Begolli-Pustina, with the Police of Kosovo, AJK has signed agreement for cases of attacks and threats against journalists, in order that these cases to be filed directly to the Serious Crimes Prosecution Department.

“AJK encourages the Kosovo Police to extend their investigations on some journalists’ cases because we, as AJK, want to see more concrete results regarding the cases of threats against journalists. The Judicial System has poor performance on the cases of journalists, same as it is with the other cases. However, from the current coordination that has started from the last year, it is appointed a coordinator from the Court who is in charge of these cases, and if nothing else, at least we have a place where we can address our concerns”, says Begolli-Pustina.

“There is no doubt that, until now, there is a good work done by the institutions on proceeding these cases. Nevertheless, as I mentioned before, from the relevant institutions we want faster results on the cases that include threats against journalists”, she adds.

Besim Kelmendi, Coordinator at the Office of the Chief State Prosecutor for cases of journalists, believes that the cooperation of State Prosecution with AJK has encouraged the journalists to report cases of attacks and threats.
According to Kelmendi, State Prosecution gives priority to these cases because crimes against journalists are included in the chapter of crimes against human life.

“I consider that there are some positive changes in this regard, because until late, journalists have hesitated to report these cases because they didn’t trust the Judicial system. But from the time we have been appointed as Coordinators and thanks to the close cooperation with the Association of Journalists of Kosovo, but also with the journalists who are victims of these threats or other cases against them, they have started to cooperate more with us. We are in contact with them whenever there is any threat against them”, says Kelmendi.

“Because crimes against journalists are crimes against life and are included in the chapter of crimes against human life, they have priority. We demand from the persecutors that these cases to be treated with urgency. Thanks to the chapter that they are part of, they have priority”, adds Kelmendi. According to him, there are 10 cases filed at the Police and State Prosecutor this year.

“At the State Prosecutor office and Police there are 10 cases filed. There is chance that some of the journalists haven’t filed their cases and because of this, there is a difference between the number of cases filed to these institutions and those reported by AJK”, he says.

The Kosovo Police (KP) officials say that in their work to protect free expression of journalists, they increased their capacities in order to give priority to the cases of threats and attacks against journalists, in preventing and preceding these cases. In a response by KP press office, there are listed the actions that this institution takes, in order to treat these cases as fast as possible.

“Regarding the treatment of journalists’ cases, we inform you that KP has increased capacities and has given priority to these cases in order to prevent them, but also in proceeding them. For this reason, KP has decided that all of these cases to be investigated and to be coordinated at the central level and at the respective directorate for investigation; cases to be investigated Ex Officio by KP, from each report we receive; the case to be directed to the respective Prosecutor office with Criminal Charge, and all of the activities to be coordinated with the competent Prosecutor office, starting from the occurrence or when the case is filed; all of the physical security measures for the victim to be carried out etc. Meanwhile, all of the formal proceedings to be taken for the suspected (known or unknown), whenever or whoever he might be”, says the written response of Kosovo Police.

On the other hand, Begolli-Pustina says that besides the attacks and threats, journalists feel under pressure also from the censure that they face from their editorial offices which, as a consequence brings lack of proper freedom in doing their work. According to her, in this case, the problem is the poor conditions on which journalists work, including low salaries.

“We have journalists that continue to work for years with a salary starting from 200 or 300 Euros per month”, she says.

She adds that the overall working conditions of journalists are not satisfying, even though comparing with the past, it is encouraging that during this year in several cases, journalists have denounced the salary payment delays and other types of workplace discriminations. She says that this is a positive sign which tells the journalists are becoming more aware of these problems.

“However, we are not satisfied. We are part of this community, and we know exactly the problems that they face”, says Begolli-Pustina.

For some of the cases of threats that occurred in 2018, formal procedures are initiated by the Court, and AJK is continuingly in contact with judicial institutions in order to give help to journalists.

Author: Jehona Gjinovci

This article is a production of the Association of Journalists of Kosovo under the project “Western Balkan’s Regional Platform for Advocating Media Freedom and Journalists Safety”, funded by the European Union. The content of this publication can in no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the European Union.

Novinarska udruženja traže hitan sastanak Radne grupe za bezbednost novinara

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photo: pixabay

BEOGRAD, 25.12.2018. – Predstavnici novinarskih udruženja i medijskih asocijacija tražili su danas hitan sastanak Radne grupe za bezbednost novinara posle nagodbe tužilaštva sa osumnjičenom za napad na novinara portala Žig info iz Grocke Milana Jovanovića.

Predstavnici novinarske struke smatraju da se ovakvom nagodbom šalje poruka o nekažnjivosti napada na novinare, zbog čega traže od predstavnika tužilaštva i Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova razgovor o razlozima i okolnostima pod kojima je sklopljen sporazum s osumnjičenom Bojanom Cvetković-Šijacki.

Novinarska udruženja i medijske asocijacije žele da znaju i da li će se istraga nastaviti, budući da postoje jake indicije da napad nije do kraja rasvetljen, odnosno da je nalogodavac i dalje na slobodi.

Novinaru portala Žig info iz Grocke Milanu Jovanoviću zapaljena je kuća u noći između 11. i 12. decembra ove godine.

Ministar unutrašnjih poslova Nebojša Stefanović saopštio je u nedelju da su zbog tog napada uhapšene tri osobe.

Jedna od osumnjičenih Bojana Cvetković-Šijacki sklopila je juče sporazum o priznanju krivice s tužilaštvom kojim je osudjena na šest meseci kućnog zatvora i kaznu od 50.000 dinara.

Predstavnici redakcije Žig info rekli su da ne poznaju osumnjičene i da nikad nisu pisali o njima, zbog čega je produbljena sumnja da je napad naručen i da je u njegovoj pozadini otkrivanje korupcije o kojoj je pisao Jovanović.

Jovanović je izjavio da se neće osećati bezbedno sve dok se ne otkrije nalogodavac zločina.

Language of justice or roar of injustice

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BELGRADE, 24.12.2018. – It began with the text “Curuvija awaited bombs”. Then Ćuruvija was welcomed by bullets. For years, the family and colleagues of the murdered journalist have waited for the investigation to be completed and to begin the trial for his killers.

It’s been almost five years since the current President of Serbia Aleksandar Vucic announced that the murder of journalist Slavko Curuvija who was killed on Easter Sunday 11 April 1999 was resolved. However, even the first instance verdict has not yet been issued and the trial is now coming to end in the Special Court (Department for
Organized Crime of the Higher Court in Belgrade). The trial was followed by pressures on the prosecution witnesses, many obstruction and illegal decision of the trial chamber which tried to to extract some of the key evidence from the proceedings.

The far end of the trial

The first instance trial for the murder of Slavko Curuvija in the Special Court is in its final stages and the evidential processs  is expected to be finalized on December 25th. And the closing terms are scheduled for 24, 25 and 29 January. After delivering the verdict, the Appeals Court in Belgrade will decide on the complaints of the Prosecution and the Defense. The Court of Appeal will be able to confirm the verdict, amend it, or return the proceedings to a new trial. So the date of the final end of the trial seems to be  far away.

On 14 January 2014, when Milan Radonjic was arrested , at the time of the murder he was chief of the DB Belgrade and assistant of chief DB{State security}, and now accused of being the organizer of the murder. Ratko Romic was at that time the chief inspector in the second administrations (intelligence) DB, and now charged as a co-perpetrator. It seemed that everything would be just simply and efficiently. In addition, the case was also initiated against the former chief of the DB Radomir Markovic accused for ordering that action who was already in jail serving the maximum sentence for other political murders and Miroslav Kurak, an instructor of the JSO accused as an immediate killer, who is still on the run, in Africa.

Testemony of Ulemek

Before that, on 8 January 2014, the official declaration was made by Milorad Ulemek Legija, commander of the Special Operations Unit (JSO), who is now serving the maximum sentence for a number of political killings. He appointed persons which are now accused for the murder of Curuvija. He testified that at first Markovic asked him to kill someone.

“I arrived on the 29th or 30th of March 1999 with a helicopter from Kosovo to Belgrade because I was invited by chief Markovic. I met him in the office of his assistant, Frank Simatovic (remark by the author: Simatovic, the founder of the JSO, who is being tried in The Hague. On the day of the murder of Ćuruvija he telephoned the accused Kurak and Radonjić, before and after the crime) and reported him on the situation on the ground. After that Markovic brought me into the hall and asked me to carry out one more liquidation. He told me: It is necessary to remove one person who currently seriously jeopardizes the security of the country by his hostile activities”, testified Ulemek to the Deputy Prosecutor for Organized Crime Milenko Mandic on 8 January 2014. Ulemek then stated that he is refusing an order to kill him justifying it that he and his unit was engaged on the ground when NATO bombardment started on Kosovo.

He testified that after twenty days, when he realized that the volume of tasks in Kosovo is smaller, offered Markovic that his can unit still perform the task, but chief answered: “It is already completed.” In the meantime Curuvija was killed on 11 April. According to Ulemek’s testimony, when he negotiated with Markovic in 2000 the action of arresting a person, the head of the DB told him that the help would be provided by “these Radonjini, who killed Ćuruvija”. In the hallway, in front of Markovic’s office were Ratko Romic and Miroslav Kurak, so Ulemek concluded that they were the ones on whom the chief of the DB spoke, because he arranged with them the ordered arrest action.

Zemun gang confirmation

That Ulemek knows who killed Curuvija was confirmed two days later, on 10 January 2014 by two members of the Zemun clan, brothers Alexander and Milos Simovic. They then testified that in the second half of 2000, Ulemek showed Kurak and Romic in club “Mumbai” and said;

“Remember them well, they have done Curku you need to clean up, must not be a mistake”. They told that Ulemek said that Curuvija was killed from “state reasons” and that Kuřák and Radonjic “should remove for interest of the Service”. Simovic gave testimony that the “Zemun Clan” was engaged in murder Kuřák and Romic, but that it was later rejected. Aleksandar Simovic testified that now the late Zemun clan leader Dusan Spasojevic-Siptar said that behind the murder of Curuvija “is the family of President Milosevic because of some articles that Curuvija wrote about them.”

Their testimony of the planned killing of Kurak and Romic was also confirmed by two witnesses in the proceedings for the murder of Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic and other crimes committed by Zemun clan Dejan Milenkovic-Bagzi and Miladin Suvajdzic-Djura Mutavi. Milenkovic testified: “I later heard that the liquidation of Kurak and Romic for the murder of Curuvija was planned.”

Base stations and Duty Logs

In order to initiate the proceedings in addition to these testimonies also was crucial and evidence collected after democratic five-year changes in 2000, when Slobodna Milosevic was removed. These are the testimonies of individual members of the DB, and as material evidence, discs with recorded calls from the base stations of mobile telephony and DB Deployment Logs.

The list of calls from the base stations revealed that on the day of the murder on April 11, 1999, the day before, the accused as perpetrator and co-perpetrator Miroslav Kurak and Ratko Romic were at the scene of the murder. He also overturned the alibi of the accused for organizing the murder of Milan Radonjic, as well as Romic, where they were at the time of the crime. Calls from Romic and Kurak were stored at the base station on Radio Belgrade and that part (then the base stations had three parts facing three directions that determined only the position of the caller) facing Svetogorska Street where in the passage 35 was killed Curuvija. The two of them talked to each other several occasions and they also called Radonjic.

The testimony of the witnesses from the investigation found that Radonjic, which he confirmed, as soon as he was appointed as the Chief of the Center of DB Belgrade on 5 April, ordered verbally that Ćuruvija needs to be followed 24 hours. For example, Stevan Nikcevic, in that time deputy of Radonjic, and Vladimir Nikolic, chief of analytics at the DB Center, testified at the trial that the order of their boss for monitoring Ćuruvija was “extremely abnormal and atypical”, since the former chief of the Center had never been directly involved in secret escorts and issued orders.

Nikcevic disputed the indictment of Radonjic that he allegedly informed him that Curuvija had been killed. Agent Predrag Gikic, who was in charge of Ćuruvija, testified that he had not been informed that the team continued with the escort of Ćuruvija. Also his earlier recommendation that there was no operational reason for the journalist to tail was not respected. For 24 hours, Curuvija was followed by all 27 members of the 9th Secret Unit escort unit of the Belgrade DB Center and they testified about it.

Attempted murder and murder

For April 10, 1999, when the investigators suspect an attempted murder, the base station reveals that Kurak was at Radio Belgrade in Svetogorska. From that place he called Romic at 14 hours 10 minutes and 39 seconds. Romic`s calls from the same place are then registered. He called Radonjic at 14.19.53, and Kurak at 15.27.13.

The Duty log dated 10 April 1999 stated that the head of the 9th escort unit, Zoran Pavic, and the shift chief at the DB Center, Dragan Pavic, were invited to a report by Radonjic because they did not obey to immediately report the slightest change of Curuvija`s movement. According to the testimony of DB members, Radonjić shouted at them because on April 10th, they did not report in time that Ćuruvija headed for the apartment.

On the day of the murder, April 11th, in the Duty log it was written that Curuvija and Branka Prpa came out from Svetogorska 35 at 13.55, a minute later they were at the Politica building and then moved to the Russian Emperor’s café. Radonjic’s order was also recorded: “Let me know immediately if they go home, maybe we will take some other measures.” Some witnesses from the DB stated that the only remaining legal measure was the arrest of Ćuruvija, but he was killed.

When Ćuruvija and Prpa headed for the apartment, it was recorded in the Duty log that Radonjić at 16.25 ordered the immediate cease of escort. The DB escort members testified that they indeed received that unusual order from Radonjic. After that in 16.28,13, Radonjic calls Kurak. Romic was registered by the base station near Svetogorska street where Curuvija and Prpa passed by. He calls Kurak in 16.38,13, and Radonjic in 16.39.08. Then Radonjic at 16.45.31 called Kurak. Ćuruvija was killed in a passage where he lived in Svetogorska 35, between 16.39 and 16.45 hours. According to the prosecution, Romic was following Curuvija and Prpa from the building of Radio Belgrade, informed Kurak, who`s waiting in front of the passage, that they are arriving and then inform Radonjic to take the action. In the passage, as alleged in the indictment, Kurak shoots Ćuruvija while Romić with a weapon hits Prpa in the head.

The alibi falls apart

The determined time of the calls does not match the claims of Radonjic and Romic on where were they on the day of the murder. At the hearing in the Prosecutor’s Office on January 14, 2014, after being arrested with Radonjic, Romic said that on the day of the murder of Ćuruvija he was on 8 hours shift in the seat of the Second Administration of the DB in Dragica Marković Street in Teachers’ Village , and he does not recall whether was at a family lunch or dinner in Borca, where he lived at the time. However, base stations reveal that on April 11th he was at the crime scene just before the murder and his calls were registered by the base stations in Zvecanska 7, Takovska 2 and Francuska 81.

Radonjic as well claimed that on the day of the murder he was in the Second Board of the DB in Dragica Markovic. He said he briefly went to the family Easter lunch at wife’s parents home, ” in the vicinity, perhaps three minutes by car” where he was informed about the murder. However, prior to the murder, his calls were registered by the base stations in downtown Belgrade in Vasina 2, Milan Rakic 35 and Takovska 2.

Following his calls it was registered that at the time of the murder he was in the 2nd Administration of the DB in Danica Markovic Street. After the murder, his calls were registered at the base stations near Mostar Loop, where the villa of DB was, after in Paunova 24, then in Marinkova Bara, then again in Danica Markovic, then Vojislav Ilić 145, Takovska 2, Venizelosova 1, and then again in Danica Markovic, and at the Mostar Loop. The official investigation for the murder of Ćuruvija began after the testimony of Ulemek and Simović brothers and then the trial followed. However, everything wasn`t as announced on January 14, 2014, by at the time First Deputy Prime Minister and Coordinator of Security Services, the President of the ruling SNS since 2012., and the current President of Serbia, Alekasandar Vucic.

The murder of Dada Vujasinovic

Journalist Radislava Dada Vujasinovic was found dead on April 8, 1994 in her apartment in New Belgrade, and the pre-criminal procedure is still underway. The State institutions at the time promptly concluded the case as a suicide. The experts engaged by the parents of murdered journalist completed the expertise on  February 23, 1995, excluding  the possibility that Vujasinovic commited suicide.

Attorney of the family  Branislav Tapušković,  file criminal complaints against NN  to the prosecutor’s office the same day. There was no response. The application is submitted again on July 13 the same year, again without answers, so they filed the new one on October 5th.  Still no reaction from the prosecution. They are appealing to the court on December 18, the next 1996 year. Investigative judge then ordered  the reconstruction, which wasn`t done until  May 5th 1998.

The reconstruction report was completed on July 3, 2001, only after Slobodan Milosevic  lost power. The parents then asked for super expertise. At the Institute in Novi Sad on May 5, 2005  forensic medicine expertise  was held without ballistics.  Afterwards, on May 30th 2008., the ballist  from USA, Vlada Kostic, completed his expertise only to determine the same as the experts hired by the family 14 years ago did,  that the journalist was murdered.

After that, at the end of January 2009, the Public prosecutor’s Office in Belgrade announced the beginning of  pre-trial procedure for the murder of a journalist. The prosecution subsequently searched for another expert in the Netherlands. However, in 2016 the Dutch forensic institute in The Hague came to the conclusion that “the injuries sustained by the late Radislava Vujasinovic may be the result of murder, suicide or an accident”.

Findings of the Dutch Institute did not affect the Public Prosecutor’s Office in Belgrade, which continues preliminary investigation procedure for the murder of Dada Vujasinovic. Lawyer Branislav Tapuskovic, representative of the  murdered journalist`s family,  says everything is back in early 2016 and nothing has happened since then,  in spite of the fact that there is a way to conduct the investigation.

“All the essential proves were removed and it is well known who did it. Finding the one responsible for that might lead directly to the one who ordered the murder.  As a lawyer, I no longer had the opportunity or the authority to investigate further, “said Tapuskovic.

After the murder, documents journalist kept hidden with the money somewhere in the apartment were not found.  The money left intact but documents were gone.  Besides, family discovered that someone put a damaging magnet into her tapes with recorded  interviews. The tapes with her last recorded story on the police selling weapons in Novi Pazar have never been found as well as the tape from the answering machine where last calls were recorded. The file with material for the book she`s been writing also disappeared.

The initial state investigation ignored her pulled out hair, as well as the presence of a different blood type drops,  which as later was determined were on the armchair next to where her body was found.

Investigation for possible motives led to her last three published interviews. One article that refers to Borislav Jovic, a former high-ranking SPS official, got her sued. In the second interview, with  Željko Raznatović Arkan,  among other things she spoke about numerous, among other things, he announced a conversation with him about numerous and groving liquidations. She asked him, “Who is next,” and he replied: “You! Write that down  freely”. And she did.  The Prosecution’s attention was also prompted by her text on General Bozidar Stevanovic, who at the time became the new commander of the RV PVO.  As turned out later, because of him she received numerous threats.

 

eu

This article has been produced as a part of the project Western Balkan’s Regional Platform for advocating media freedom and journalists’ safety with the financial assistance of the European Union. The contents of this article are the sole responsibility of the Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia and its authors, and can in no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the European Union.

The impact of social networks in the work of journalists

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PRISTINA, 24.12.2018 – The ‘We Are Social’ and ‘Hootsuite’ survey, introduced in the Global Digital 2018 report, reveals that there are now more than four billion people worldwide using the Internet and more than three billion people in the world using each month social media. Recent data suggests that nearly a quarter of new users were added only during 2017.

According to the report, the number of Internet users in 2018 is 4.021 billion people, increasing 7 percent year-on-year.

Meanwhile, from the results presented by the Kosovo Agency of Statistics (KAS) in the report ‘Information and Communication Technology Use Survey 2017’, in 2017, 88.8 percent of Kosovo’s families have access to the Internet.

This shows that social networks have become a necessity of time. Often they shape our attitudes towards different events.

Canadian researcher Marshall McLuhan has made a comparison that is related to how mass communication tools are affecting us.

“Like water that is a necessity for fish, so is mass communication becoming for people. This impact of the media on a person we only understand when we remain without these tools, just as the fish understands that it is wet only if it is left without water”,  says McLuhan.

But besides the facilities, this overwhelming development of technology and the increasing use of social networks has its own negative side in relation to the work of journalists and information in general.

“Facebook policy”

So-called “social media” have become a new trend of politics.

Last years, and especially the year we are leaving behind, most state leaders have chosen social networks, namely facebook, as a communication tool with the public, but also with the media, thus largely disconnecting direct communication with journalists.

This has made it difficult for all journalists to work, especially in balancing the news.

Dardane Neziri, journalist at daily newspaper “Koha Ditore”, says that the declaration of state leaders through social networks, limits the work of journalists.

“The statements of the state officials on certain issues through social networks disable and limit the work of journalists to obtain full information about a particular issue. And not just journalists, but also disables the public to be sufficiently informed. These officials when making a statement on an issue are limited to speaking just as much as it suits them, “said Neziri.

Qendresa Fazliu, editor at the Blic newspaper, says social networks are an avoidance of the state leaders from responsibility, eliminating journalists’ questions, and making it difficult for day-to-day reporting.

“State leaders who are obliged to be accountable for their public actions, to the people, and through the media, have found a way out of this responsibility. This by eliminating direct questions from journalists, and consequently press conferences. The past year and the one we are closing is now mostly characterized by facebook policy by institutional leaders. This greatly hampers the work of a journalist who either is forced to make the news as the leader has sold it or to spend a long time trying to balance the news, seeking the other side of the news from other sources”, said Fazliu.

Politicians are avoiding questions and direct communication with journalists

The distribution and dissemination of information through the opportunities provided by the social media, according to the Professor of online journalism Ilire Zajmi-Rugova, enables the mobilization of a wider audience in new forms and ways.

“This communication of politicians through social media, ignoring standard forms of information dissemination such as press conferences, communications, avoids direct contact with the journalist. So, the politician directly contacts the audience in social media, without sweating from any journalist’s questions. The information “served on the plate” by the politician is the easiest form of communication. Because the politician “evaluates” what is news and what not. The journalist’s duty remains the first, the truth of the posting of information on the politician’s profile. Second, account verification on social networks. And thirdly, before being cited by the social media news, attempts are made to obtain confirmation via phone, email, or other forms of communication”, says Zajmi-Rugova.

The communications Professor and senior journalist, currently Advisor to Kosovo Prime Minister, Halil Matoshi says we need to be vigilant in receiving messages, especially from the social facebook network, because the fake news is expanding.

“Facebook personal profiles are being viewed as a platform for distributing political messages to many media addresses simultaneously and quickly. But the public should be vigilant to read the message to the end and see the source correctly, because false profiles and false news are expanding”, emphasized Matoshi.

Social Media, Trend of Postmodernity!?

“Social media” have turned the attention of the public and all journalists, with or without their desire. The myth of journalism, as a mediator between the public, bringing its mission high, has been “faded”. The public is already in direct contact with the state leaders, causing the media to gradually lose their function as the “Fourth Power.”

Sociologist Fadil Maloku says socio-political communication between the general public and politicians has become a kind of postmodern trend in our time.

“In the case of social networking in Kosovo society, this trend will increase, yet (more is being imposed as the “product” of a blind social imitation than any new political facility!) It has not reached the level of mass communication, which implies that our politicians do not yet have clear communication through social media (networks). And especially that of facebook, from which alternatives and positions are usually made pro et contra; driving, phenomena or even political statements. Because, by disabling journalistic feedback, they actually deprive the general public of “charm, seduction” and spontaneous judgment and attitude. That really alienate the politician as well as his attitude and judgment through this way of communion”, Maloku notes.

The future of reporting in this spirit will be problematic not only for the media in Kosovo but also for the most powerful international media.

Author: Vlora Azemi

This article is a production of the Association of Journalists of Kosovo under the project “Western Balkan’s Regional Platform for Advocating Media Freedom and Journalists Safety”, funded by the European Union. The content of this publication can in no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the European Union.

Jezik pravde ili urlik nepravde

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BEOGRAD, 24.12.2018. – Počelo je tekstom “Ćuruvija dočekao bombe”. Onda je Ćuruvija dočekao – metke. Godinama su porodica i kolege ubijenog novinara čekale da se okonča istraga i počne suđenje ubicama.

Prošlo je skoro punih pet godina od kada je sadašnji predsednik Srbije Aleksandar Vučić saopštio da je razrešeno ubistvo novinara Slavka Ćuruvije koji je ubijen na Uskrs 11. aprila 1999. godine. Međutim, još nije doneta ni prvostepena presuda, a suđenje koje se sada privodi kraju u Specijalnom sudu (Odeljenje za organizovani kriminal Višeg suda u Beogradu) pratili su pritisci na svedoke tužilaštva, brojne opstrukcije i nezakonite odluke sudećeg veća koje je pokušalo da iz postupka izbaci neke od ključnih dokaza.

Daleki kraj suđenja

Prvostepeno suđenje za ubistvo Slavka Ćuruvije u Specijalnom sudu je u završnoj fazi i očekuje se da 25. decembra i zvanično bude okončan dokazni postupak. A za završne reči su zakazani termini za 24, 25. i 29. januar. Nakon presude Apelacioni sud u Beogradu će odlučivati o žalbama tužilaštva i odbrane.

Apelacioni sud će moći da potvrdi presudu, preinači je, ili vrati postupak na novo suđenje. Tako da je datum konačnog kraja suđenja još daleko.

Tog 14. januara 2014. godine, kada su uhapšeni Milan Radonjić, u vreme ubistva šef Centra DB Beograda i pomoćnik šefa DB, a sada optužen kao organizator ubistva, i Ratko Romić, u vreme zločina glavni inspektopr Druge uprave (obaveštajne) DB, a sada optužen kao saizvršilac, izgledalo je da će sve biti jednostvano i efikasno. Osim njih tada je pokrenut postupak i protiv bivšeg šefa DB Radomira Markovića optuženog kao neredbodavca, koji služi maksimalnu zatvorsku kaznu zbog drugih političkih ubistava i Miroslava Kuraka, instruktora JSO optuženog kao neposrednog ubicu, koji se i danas nalazi u bekstvu, a koji je tada boravio u Africi.

Ulemekvo svedočenje

Pre toga je 8. januara 2014. godine, zvaničnu izjavu dao Milorad Ulemek Legija, komandant Jedinice za specijalne operacije (JSO) koji je na odsluženju maksimalne kazne zbog više političkih ubistava. On je imenovao sada optužene za ubistvo Ćuruvije. Svedočio je da mu je prvo Marković tražio da nekog ubije.

“Ja sam 29. ili 30. marta 1999. doleteo helikopterom sa Kosova u Beograd na poziv tadašnjeg načelnika Markovića. S njim sam se sreo u kancelariji njegovog pomoćnika Franka Simatovića (primedba autora: Simatović osnivač JSO kome se sudi u Hagu čuo se na dan ubistva Ćuruvije sa optuženima Kurakom i Radonjićem pre i posle zločina) i raportirao mu o stanju na terenu. Nakon toga me je Marković izveo u hodnik i tražio da se obavi jedna likvidacija. Rekao mi je: Potrebno je da se ukloni jedno lice koje trenutno svojim neprijateljskim delatnostima ozbiljno ugrožava bezbednost države“, svedočio je Ulemek pred nadležnim zamenikom tužioca za organizovani kriminal Milenkom Mandićem tog 8. januara 2014. Ulemek je tada naveo da je odbio naredbu za likvidaciju pravdajući se da su on i njegova jedinica angažovani na Kosovu tih prvih dana NATO bombardovanja.

On je svedočio i da je posle dvadesetak dana, kada je shvatio da ima manji obim zadataka, ponudio Markoviću da njegova jedinica ipak izvrši zadatak, ali mu je odgovoreno: “To je već završeno“. U to međuvremenu je ubijen Ćuruvija 11. aprila. Prema iskazu Ulemeka, kada je sa Markovićem dogovarao 2000. godine akciju hapšenja jedne osobe, šef DB mu je rekao da će mu pomoć pružiti ”ovi Radonjini, što su ubili Ćuruviju“. U hodniku, ispred Markovićeve kancelarije su bili Ratko Romić i Miroslav Kurak, pa je Ulemek zaključio da su oni ti o kojima je šef DB govorio, jer je s njima posle dogovarao naređenu akciju hapšenja.

Potvrda “zemunaca”

Da Ulemek zna ko je ubio Ćuruviju potvrdili su dva dana kasnije, 10. januara 2014. godine, dvojica pripadnika zemunskog klana, braća Aleksandar i Miloš Simović. Oni su tada svedočili da im je Ulemek u drugoj polovini 2000. godine u klubu “Bombaj” pokazao Kuraka i Romića i rekao;

„Zapamti ih dobro, oni su uradili Ćurku, treba da se počiste, ne sme da bude greške“. Oni su navodili da je Ulemek rekao da je Ćuruvija ubijen iz “državnih razloga”, a da je Kuraka i Radonjića “trebalo ukloniti zbog interesa Službe”. Simovići su svedočili i da je zemunski klan bio angažovan za ubistvo Kuraka i Romića, ali da se od toga odustalo.
Aleksandar Simović je svedočio i da mu je sada pokojni vođa zemunskog klana Dušan Spasojević – Šiptar rekao da iza ubistva Ćuruvije “stoji porodica predsednika Miloševića zbog nekih članaka koje je Ćuruvija pisao o njima“.

Njihov iskaz o planiranom ubistvu Kuraka i Romića potvrdila su i dva svedoka saradnika u postupcima za ubistvo premijera Zorana Đinđića i za druge zločine zemunskog klana Dejan Milenković – Bagzi i Miladin Suvajdžić – Đura Mutavi. Milenković je svedočio: “Kasnije sam čuo da je planirana likvidacija Kuraka i Romića zbog ubistva Ćuruvije”.

Bazne stanice i Dnevnik dežurstava

Za pokretanje postupka bili su ključni osim ovih iskaza i dokazi koji su prikupljani nakon demokratskih petooktobarskih promena 2000. godine, kada je svrgnut Slobodna Milošević. To su svedočenja pojedinih pripadnika DB, a kao materijalni dokazi diskovi sa zabeleženim pozivima sa baznih stanica mobilne telefonije i Dnevnik dežurstava DB.

Spisak poziva sa baznih stanica otkrio je da su na dan ubistva 11. aprila 1999. godine i dan pre, optuženi kao izvršilac i saizvršilac Miroslav Kurak i Ratko Romić bili na mestu ubistva. Takođe je oborio alibi optuženog za organizovanje ubistva Milana Radonjića, kao i Romića gde su bili u vreme zločina. Pozivi Romića i Kuraka su sačuvani na baznoj stanici na Radio Beogradu i to kraku (tada su bazne stanice imale tri kraka okrenuta ka tri pravca koja su određivala samo položaj onog ko poziva) okrenutom ka Svetogorskoj ulici gde je u prolazu 35 ubijen Ćuruvija. Njih dvojica su više puta međusobno razgovarali i čuli su se sa Radonjićem.

Iskazima svedoka iz istrage utvrđeno je da Radonjić, što je i on sam potvrdio, čim je imenovan na mesto načelnika Centra DB Beograda 5. aprila naredio usmeno da se Ćuruvija prati 24 sata. Na primer Stevan Nikčević, tadašnji zamenik Radonjića, i Vladimir Nikolić, šef analitike u Centru DB Beograda, svedočili su u istrazi i na suđenju da je naređenje njihovog šefa o praćenju Ćuruvije bilo “krajnje nenormalno i atipično”, jer nikada ranije načelnik Centra nije bio direktno uključen u tajnu pratnju i izdavao naredbe.

Nikčević je i opovrgao tvrdnju optuženog Radonjića da ga je navodno on obavestio da je ubijen Ćuruvija. Agent Predrag Gikić koji je bio zadužen za Ćuruviju, svedočio je da nije obavešten da se nastavilo sa pratnjom Ćuruvije, te da nije uvažena njegova ranija preporuka da nema operativnih razloga da se novinar dalje prati. Ćuruviju je 24 sata pratilo svih 27 pripadnika 9. odeljenja za tajnu pratnju Centra DB Beograda i oni su o tome sami svedočili.

Pokušaj ubistva i ubistvo

Za 10. april 1999. godine, kada je kako istražitelji sumnjaju pokušano ubistvo, bazna stanica otkriva da je Kurak bio kod Radio Beograda u Svetogorskoj. Sa tog mesta zvao je Romića u 14 sati 10 minuta i 39 sekundi. Zatim se registruju Romićevi pozivi sa istog mesta. Zove Radonjića u 14.19,53, pa Kuraka 15.27,13.

U Dnevniku dežurstava od 10. april 1999. godine je navedeno da su načelnik 9. odeljenja za pratnju Zoran Pavić i tog dana dežurni šef smene u Centru DB  Dragan Pavić pozvani na raport kod Radonjića, jer nisu poslušali njegovu naredbu da odmah javljaju i najmanju promenu kretanja Ćuruvije. Prema svedočenjima pripadnika DB Radonjić je na njih vikao jer nisu na vreme javili da je Ćuruvija 10. aprila krenuo prema stanu.

Za dan ubistva 11. aprila u Dnevnik dežurstava je upisano da je Ćuruvija sa Brankom Prpom izašao iz Svetogorske 35 u 13.55, a minut kasnije da su kod zgrade Politike, te da su zatim seli u kafanu Ruski car. Zabeležen je i Radonjićev nalog:”Javite mi odmah ako krenu kući, možda primenimo i neke druge mere”. Pojedini svedoci iz DB su navodili da je jedina preostala zakonska mera bilo hapšenje Ćuruvije, ali on je ubijen.

Kada su Ćuruvija i Prpa krenuli ka stanu zabeleženo je u Dnevniku dežurstava da je Radonjić u 16.25 naredio da se odmah obustavi pratnja. Pripadnici DB iz pratnje svedočili su da im je preneto ovo Radonjićevo neobično naređenje. Radonjić zatim u 16.28,13 zove Kuraka. Romića registruje bazna stanica ka Svetogorskoj, gde su prošli Ćuruvija i Prpa. Poziva u 16.38,13 Kuraka, a u 16.39,08 i Radonjića. Zatim Radonjić u 16.45,31 zove Kuraka. Ćuruvija je ubijen u prolazu gde je stanovao u Svetogorskoj 35 između 16.39 i 16.45 sati. Prema navodima tužilaštva Romić je pratio Ćuruviju i Prpu od zgrade Radio Beograda i javio je Kuraku koji ih je čekao ispred prolaza da dolaze, a zatim Radonjiću da kreću u akciju. U prolazu, kako se navodi u optužnici, Kurak puca na Ćuruviju, a Romić udara oružjem Prpu u glavu.

Rušenje alibija

Utvrđena vremena poziva suprotna su tvrdnjama Radonjića i Romića gde su bili na dan ubistva. Romić je na saslušanju u Tužilaštvu 14. januara 2014. godine, nakon što je uhapšen sa Radonjićem, rekao da je na dan ubistva Ćuruvije bio u sedištu Druge uprave DB u Ulici Dragice Marković u Učiteljskom naselju u smeni od osam sati, te da se ne seća da li je bio na porodičnom ručku ili večeri u Borči, gde je tada stanovao. Međutim, bazne stanice otkrivaju da je 11. aprila bio na mestu zločina neposredno pre ubistva te su posle njegove pozive registrovale bazne stanice u Zvečanskoj 7, Takovskoj 2 i Francuskoj 81.

Radonjić je tada rekao da je na dan ubistva takođe bio u Drugoj upravi DB u Dragice Marković. Ispričao je da je na kratko otišao na porodični uskršnji ručak kod roditelja supruge, “koji se nalaze u neposrednoj blizini možda tri minuta kolima” gde mu je javljeno za ubistvo. Međutim, pre ubistva registrovani su njegovi pozivi na baznim stanicama u centru Beograda u Vasinoj 2, Milana Rakića 35 i Takovskoj 2. U vreme ubistva preko poziva registrovano je da je bio u 2. upravi DB u Ulici Danice Marković. Posle ubistva njegovi pozivi su zabeleženi na baznim stanicama kod Mostarske petlje, gde je vila DB, pa u Paunovoj 24, pa u Marinkovoj bari, zatim opet u Danice Marković, pa u Vojislava Ilića 145, Takovskoj 2, Venizelosovoj 1, a nakon toga opet u Danice Marković, pa kod Mostarske petlje. Posle svedočenja Ulemeka i braće Simović počeo je i zvanično istražni postupak za ubistvo Ćuruvije, a zatim i suđenje. Međutim, nije sve teklo kako je tog 14. januara 2014. godine, najavio tadašnji prvi potpredsednik Vlade i koordinator rada bezbednosnih službi, a sadašnji predsednik Srbije Alekasandar Vučić, i predsednik vladajućeg SNS-a od 2012. godine.

Ubistvo Dada Vujasinović

Novinarka Radislava Dada Vujasinović pronađena je mrtva 8. aprila 1994. godine u njenom stanu na Novom Beogradu, a predkrivični postupak se i dalje vodi. Tadašnje državne institucije brzopotezno su slučaj zaključile kao samoubistvo. Veštaci koje su angžovali roditelji ubijene novinarke su 23. februara 1995. godine završili veštačenje i isključili mogućnost da se Vujasinović ubila. Preko zastupnika Branislava Tapuškovića podneli su krivičnu prijavu tužilaštvu protiv N. N. počinioca istog dana. Nikakvog odgovora nije bilo. Prijavu podnose ponovo 13. jula iste godine, opet bez odgovora, pa sve ponavljaju 5. oktobra. Ni tada nije bilo nikakve reakcije iz tužilaštva. Obraćaju se sudu i 18. decembra sledeće 1996. godine. Istražni sudija donosi rešenje da se obavi rekonstrukcija, ali ona je obavljena tek 5. maja 1998. godine.

Izveštaj sa rekonstrukcije završen je tek svrgavanjem Slobodana Miloševića – 3. jula 2001. godine. Roditelji su onda tražili superveštačenje. Prvo je urađeno sudskomedicinsko veštačenje bez balističara na Institutu u Novom Sadu 5. maja 2005. Zatim je balističar Vlada Kostić, koji radi u SAD 30. maja 2008. okončao svoje veštačenje kojim je utvrdio da je novinarka ubijena, kao što su utvrdili i veštaci koje su angažovali roditelji pre 14 godina. Nakon toga je krajem januara 2009. godine Više tužilaštvo u Beogradu saopštilo da pokreće pretkrivični postupak za ubistvo novinarke. Tužilaštvo je naknadno tražilo u Holandiji još jedno veštačenje. Međutim, holandski forenzički institut u Hagu je 2016. godine došao do zaključka da „povrede koje je kritičnom prilikom zadobila pokojna Radislava Vujasinović mogu biti rezultat ubistva, samoubistva ili nesrećnog slučaja“.

Nalazi holandskog instituta nisu uticali na Više javno tužilaštvo u Beogradu koje i dalje vodi predistražni postupak za ubistvo Dade Vujasinović. Advokat Branislav Tapušković, koji zastupa porodicu ubijene novinarke kaže da se sve vratilo na početak 2016. godine i da se od tada ništa ne dešava, iako ima načina da se istraga vodi.

“Nakon ubistva sklonjeni su dokazi koji su bili važni i zna se ko je to uradio. Ako bi se utvrdilo ko je sklanjao dokaze moglo bi da se dođe do onog ko je naručio ubistvo. Kao advokat više nisam imao ni mogućnosti ni ovlašćenja da to ispitujem”, rekao je Tapušković.

Nakon ubistva dokumenta koja je novinaraka čuvala sa novcem  na jednom skrivenom mestu u stanu nisu nađena. Novac niko nije dirao, ali dokumenata nije bilo. Među kasetama s njenim intervjuima porodica je našla magnet koji ih oštećuje. Kasete sa poslednjom pričom o policiji koja prodaje oružje u Novom Pazaru nikada nisu nađene. Nije pronađena ni kaseta iz telefonske sekretarice, na kojoj su ostali poslednji pozivi. Takođe nije pronađena ni fascikla gde je novinarka držala materijal za knjigu koju je pisala.

Prvobitna državna istraga nije obratila pažnju na iščupane pramenova Dadine kose, kao ni na tuđu krv, kako se kasnije ispostavilo, na fotelji pored koje je telo pronađeno.

U poslednja tri članka koje je Dada Vujasinović objavila, ispitivao se eventualni motiv za njeno ubistvo. Jedan članak se odnosi na Borislava Jovića, nekadašnjeg visokog funkcionera SPS, zbog čega je i tužena. Drugi tekst je o Željku Ražnatoviću Arkanu u kome je, između ostalog, objavila razgovor sa njim o sve brojnijim likvidacijama. Pitala ga je: „Ko je sledeći“, a on je odgovorio: „Ti, slobodno to napiši“. Ona je to i objavila. Pažnju tužilaštva izazvao je i njen tekst o generalu Božidaru Stevanoviću, koji je tada postao novi komandant RV PVO, zbog koga je Dada Vujasinović, kako je utvrđeno, dobila brojne pretnje.

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Ovaj tekst je proizveden u okviru projekta Regionalna platforma za zagovaranje medijskih sloboda i bezbednosti novinara na Zapadnom Balkanu uz finansijsku podršku Evropske Unije. Sadržaj ovog tekst je isključiva odgovornost Nezavisnog udruženja novinara Srbije i autora i ni u kom slučaju ne odražava stavove Evropske unije.

Uhapšeni osumnjičeni za paljenje kuće novinara Milana Jovanovića

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BEOGRAD, 24.12.2018. – Policija je uhapsila osumnjičene za paljenje kuće novinara Milana Jovanovića u Grockoj, saopštio je ministar policije Nebojša Stefanović.

Stefanović je na konferenciji za novinare rekao da su uhapšeni A.M. (1993) i B.S.C. (1981) takođe iz Grocke.

Zbog sumnje da ih je angažovao i za to dao novac, uhapšen je I. N. (1977) iz Grocke.

Policija sumnjiči A.M. da je bacio flašu sa benzinom u kuću Jovanovića, pošto je prethodno razbio prozor.

“Obezbedili smo priznanje direktno osumnjičenog za direktno izvršenje ovog dela”, rekao je Stefanović.

Stefanović, kako je rekao, očekuje brze sudske postupke i osuđujuće presude.

Police arrests three suspects in attack on journalist

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BELGRADE, 24.12.2018. – Police have arrested three men they suspect were involved in setting the house of journalist Milan Jovanovic ablaze in Grocka, near the central town of Vrcin, said Interior Minister Nebojsa Stefanovic at a Sunday press conference.

Stefanovic only revealed the initials and the years the suspects were born: A.M., 1993 and B.S.C.,1981.

Authorities also tracked down and arrested the person they suspect had ordered and paid for the attack. He was identified as I.N.,1977.

All suspects are residents of Grocka.

Police said they believe that A.M. broke the window and threw a bottle filled with gasoline into Jovanovic’s house.

“Police have obtained a confession from the suspect, and the investigation is continuing and is steered toward other persons who may be connected to the act,” Stefanovic said.

He added that he expects the court to act swiftly and convict the suspects.