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Marjan Melonasi: A Crime to Which the Police Turned a Blind Eye

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BELGRADE, 02.10.2018. – Despite the clouds, the sun was shining in Pristina. At 21 degrees, the cold and the crepuscular rays reminded the journalist Marjan Melonasi too that the autumn was close. He had just finished a half-hour show on Radio Kosovo, maybe even by warning fellow citizens of the fact that one should have contrived and started preparing for long winter that was knocking at their doors in the destroyed Kosovo.

 At 2:10p.m., he left the building located in the center of Pristina and got into an orange taxi. Neighbors whose offices were across the street saw him. It was 9 September 2000 and this is all the family has known about him ever since then.

– The two of us spoke over the phone on 6 September. I was supposed to go to Nis to get some documents, and he called me to tell me not to worry. His phone was playing up and he would not call me for two or three days. He never came back – his mother, Cica Jankovic, recounts for the Journalists’ Association of Serbia (JAS) from her wrung heart.

Appeals to Thaci and Haradinaj

Not suspecting that she would not see him for 18 years, she was waiting to hear his voice over the phone again. Instead of hearing from her son, her soul was screaming upon hearing terrible news from a former neighbor from Novi Pazar.

– She had heard what happened on TV and called me. I had no idea. It was a shock, followed by disbelief. I will not tell you everything I have tried to do. I called Marjan’s grandfather who was living in Pristina. He was trying to calm me; he did not let me come. I would try to find him, he said.

Marjan’s grandfather, Krista Melonasi, had been the Principal of the School of Internal Affairs in Vucitrn for 13 years. He stayed with his grandson in the town because he did not want to let him stay there alone.

– All those generations of police officers, who later became members of KLA and other Albanian structures, had studied in grandfather’s school. He went to Hashim Thaci, and he went to Ramush Haradinaj, but they did not say anything to him. Considering where he had worked, I was firmly convinced that grandfather would be able to find out what happened to my son, no matter what the truth was. As if a living being were water able to evaporate, disappear. Just like Marjan – she says.

Krista Melonasi died last year.

Conspiracy of silence

Marjan’s colleagues who worked with him in the then newly established Radio Television Kosovo have never called her, Cica Jankovic underlines.

– It is a conspiracy of silence. It is unbelievable that nobody knows anything. There was some misinformation, but that is not the reason to kidnap somebody, to cut somebody short. A person from the EULEX Office told me, allegedly someone told her to convey this to me, that Marjan had been detained with ten other men in the Cultural Center in Kosovo Polje for days. Afterwards, one group was taken in the direction of Vucitrn and the other in the direction of Pec. I do not see the point of this story unless they were used for organ trafficking? I do not know what is worse.

At the time of his disappearance, Marjan’s mother says, the young man lived in the center of Pristina and was in a relationship with S. K., who was also a journalist. However, Cica Jankovic was forced to extort a meeting with her.

– They lived together in grandfather’s apartment. They were in a serious relationship and intended to get married. Since Makica always wanted me to marry, probably so as not to worry about me, he was telling me, mother, let’s have a double wedding. A few days after he disappeared, a UNMIK’s police car came and took her to the northern part of Kosovska Mitrovica. She brought Marjan’s albums, passport, mobile and notes with her, which grandfather did not manage to find later. When I learned that she had come to Belgrade, I literally pressured her to see me. It was a short meeting. She gave me the passport – never the pictures. I have never seen her again.

When it comes to the investigation, she adds, no one has contacted the family, except that one time when she was invited to the Palace of Justice for an interview.

– I have no result. The result is that I wake up every morning knowing that this is yet another day without Marjan and that I have to survive it. We found out on our own, from the people who worked in the building across the street from the Radio that he had gotten into a taxi. We also found out that these cabs were often used by foreigners, which they deny today. Much later, I found out that a colleague did not like him, so he threatened him. However, Marjan did not complain to me.

The truth is not in the interest

In September 2000, Cica Jankovic immediately reported her son’s disappearance to UNMIK, the International Committee of the Red Cross, the Red Cross of Yugoslavia, and the MoI of the Republic of Serbia, but this did not yield any results.

In all these years, as an active member of the Association of Families of Kidnapped and Missing Persons in Kosovo and Metohija, not a meeting with representatives of domestic and international institutions has passed by that she has not mentioned her son, as well. However, only 14 years later, on 16 October 2014, what she instinctively knew got confirmed

 In the case of disappearance of Marjan Melonasi, the journalist of the Serbian news desk of Television Kosovo, UNMIK’s Human Rights Advisory Panel has found that there are no investigation files in UNMIK’s documentation that would indicate that the police interrogated anyone in connection with the case.

 – Taking into account the circumstances of this case, UNMIK has not taken all appropriate measures to find the mortal remains of the missing person and continue the investigation to identify the perpetrators and bring them to justice. The Panel is concerned that such inactivity indicates a certain unwillingness of UNMIK police to conduct an investigation, especially since there are indications of politically motivated violence implicating persons associated with the KLA – the Panel states in its conclusions.

The Head of the Mission was requested to make a public admission of the responsibility for human rights violation by the Panel, to apologize to the family, and request the competent authorities in Kosovo to take all possible steps to ensure the continuation of the criminal investigation and bringing of the perpetrators to justice.

– When you hear all this, you feel powerless. You cannot do anything. First, the then authorities did not submit any missing person requests to Kosovo. Knowing the fate of my son, and of the others, obviously is not in the interest. If it were, they would have found out and at least told us the truth. With such rule of law systems, that truth and justice, I am sure, I will not live to see – says Cica Jankovic.

He did not want to leave Pristina

– I begged him on my knees; however, he did not want to leave Pristina. He kept repeating – peace is here now. I should better stay here and work for a decent salary rather than come to you and have no work. Just a little longer and I will come. Thus, he led me on from month to month.

Marjan Melonasi knew Serbian, English, Albanian, Romani, and began to learn Turkish, so he easily found job as an interpreter. He had a wide circle of friends, believed in survival and coexistence, and believed that Kosovo would become Switzerland.

– He first worked in the Swiss Media Action International, then in Yen, a Japanese humanitarian organization in Kosovo Polje, where he went to Serb villages and carried humanitarian aid. Then he was employed at Radio Kosovo, at the Serbian news desk. He worked on city news, and there was no politics there. He did interview certain NATO leaders, but on the topic that Pristina was demolished, that there was no electricity or water, and that all these services had to be restored. He would go to the Red Cross and make reportages. That was the content of his program – his mother explains.

Many years later, Marjan’s mother met Stevan Simovic, the father of the killed journalist Aleksandar Simovic Simo. Then she found out about another twist of fate. Following the murder of Aleksandar Simovic, Marjan Melonasi replaced him at his job with the Media Action International.

Marjan Melonasi was born in Pristina on 3 July 1976. He is an only child. He grew up, was educated and worked at his place of birth. All Marjan’s friends describe him as an urban guy, a city-type, unencumbered by politics.

– Neither was I raised by my parents, nor was Makica raised by me, his father, grandfather or uncle, to be a politician. I would now again influence the formation of his personality in the same way. A rarely good kid. Warm and dear. Every time I dream of him, I am angry at first, and I want to beat somebody up because he is gone. No matter how much I fretted because he remained in Pristina, as only a parent could fret about his/her child, the moment he disappeared, I was empty. I stopped fretting. In a corner of my soul, I believe that Marjan still exists somewhere, breathing, and living. I am lying to myself, but that is the only way I can survive.

There was no freedom for the Serbs

Cica Jankovic left the Center of Pristina, in which she lived, in July 1999, after her parents had left. Recalling the time when, as she says, she herself avoided being attacked or beaten by hiding behind parked cars to avoid “escorts”, she says that it was a time when there was no freedom for Serbs.

 

The chasm hurts   

– Marjan was an ordinary boy. He was interested in everything. I can speak about my boy in superlatives, but that will probably not be the right picture. I always experience blocks when I need to talk about Marjan. It hurts so much that I simply cannot speak. What can a mother say about her child, except that she loves him?

 

Tomanovic: UNMIK failed to respond to our appeals

UNMIK launched the investigation into the disappearance of Marjan Melonasi only in 2005, although his mother had reported the crime five years earlier, and Verica Tomanovic, President of the Association of Families of Kidnapped and Missing Persons in Kosovo and Metohija, specifically drew attention to UNMIK’s crimes in Pristina in 2003.

– That year we had a meeting with the Head of the UNMIK Investigation Division, where we separately presented the data on crimes in Pristina, explaining that many people had been kidnapped and disappeared and that we did not have any information. That Head showed us empty registers; showed us that nothing was done and sent us to the Missing Persons Division. They were surprised at the UNMIK Missing Persons Division when they saw us. All inspectors assembled around the table and said they were doing their job and they would inform us. There have been no notifications, and we have been hearing various “explanations” for years that the reason for their abduction was revenge. But all those who remained in Kosovo after June 1999 were innocent civilians who did not have any weapons and did not do anything to anyone – says Verica, who has been searching for her husband, Dr. Andrija Tomanovic, Head of the Surgical Clinic in Pristina, for 19 years.

Marjan Melonaši: Zločin pred kojim je policija žmurela

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BEOGRAD, 02.10.2018. – Uprkos oblacima, sunce je grejalo Prištinu. Na 21 stepen hladnoća i zubato sunce podsećali su i novinara Marjana Melonašija da je jesen blizu. On je upravo završio polučasovnu emisiju na Radio Kosovu, opominjući sugrađane možda baš i na činjenicu da se u uništenom Kosovu trebalo dovijati i pripremiti za dugu zimu koja je bila na pragu.

U 14.10 sati je izašao iz zgrade u centru Prištine i ušao narandžasti taksi. Videle su ga komšije koje su radile preko puta. Bio je 9. septembar 2000. godine i ovo je sve što porodica od tada zna o njemu.

– Nas dvoje smo se čuli 6. septembra. Trebalo je da idem u Niš po neka dokumenta, a on me je pozvao da mi kaže kako mu telefon nije u redu i kako me neće zvati dva tri dana, da ne brinem. Nikada se više nije javio – stegnuta srca priča njegova majka Cica Janković za Dosije Udruženja novinara Srbije (UNS).

Ne sluteći da ga 18 godina neće videti, čekala je da ponovo iz telefona čuje njegov glas. Umesto sina, dušu je rasparao krik strašnih vesti koje je javila bivša komšinica iz Novog Pazara.  Molbe Tačiju i Haradinaju

– Čula je na televiziji šta se dogodilo i pozvala me. Nisam imala pojma. To je bio šok, za njim neverica. Da ne pričam šta sam sve pokušala. Zvala sam Marjanovog dedu koji je živeo u Prištini. Smirivao me je, nije mi dozvolio da dođem. Rekao je, potrudiću se da ga nađem.

Marjanov deda, Krista Melonaši, bio je 13 godina direktor Škole unutrašnjih poslova u Vučitrnu. Ostao je sa unukom u gradu, jer nije želeo da ga ostavi samog.

– Sve te generacije milicionera koje su kasnije bile u OVK i ostalim albanskim strukturama su prošli kroz dedinu školu. Bio je kod Hašima Tačija, išao je i kod Ramuša Haradinaja, ali mu ništa nisu rekli. S obzirom na to gde je radio, bila sam tvrdo ubeđena da će deda uspeti da sazna šta se mom sinu dogodilo, pa ma kakva istina bila. Ali, kao da je živo biće voda, pa može da ispari, nestane. Isto tako i Marjan – ističe ona.

Krista Melonaši preminuo je prošle godine.

Zavera ćutanja

Marjanove kolege koje su sa njim radile u tada novopokrenutoj Radio-televiziji Kosova, Cica Janković podvlači, nikada je nisu pozvale.

– To je zavera ćutanja. Neverovatno da niko ništa ne zna. Bilo je nekih naklapanja, ali to sve nisu razlozi da se neko kidnapuje, da se preseče životni put. Jedna osoba iz kancelarije EULEKS-a mi je ispričala, a to je navodno njoj neko rekao da mi prenese, da je Marjan bio zatočen u Domu kulture u Kosovu Polju sa još desetak mladića, da su tu bili danima, a da je potom jedna grupa odvedena u pravcu Vučitrna, a druga ka Peći. Ne vidim smisao te priče, osim ako ih nisu koristili za trgovinu organima? Ne znam šta je tu strašnije.

U vreme kada je nestao, kaže Marjanova majka, mladić je živeo u centru Prištine i zabavljao se sa S. K., takođe novinarkom. Međutim, Cica Janković je bila primorana da iznudi susret sa njom.

– Živeli su zajedno kod dede u stanu, imali su ozbiljnu vezu i nameru da se venčaju. A pošto je Makica uvek želeo da se udam, verovatno da ne bi brinuo o meni, govorio mi je, hajde majko da pravimo duplo venčanje. Nekoliko dana nakon što je nestao, UNMIK-ova policijska kola su došla po nju i odvezla je u severni deo Kosovske Mitrovice. Ona je sa sobom ponela Marjanove albume, pasoš, mobilni i njegove beleške koje posle deda nije mogao da nađe. Kada sam saznala da je došla u Beograd, bukvalno sam vršila pritisak da se vidimo. To je bio kratak susret. Dala mi je pasoš, slike nikada. Više je nikada nisam videla.

Kada je reč o istrazi, dodaje, porodicu niko nije kontaktirao, osim što su je jednom pozvali u Palatu pravde na razgovor.

– Nemam rezultat. Rezultat je da se svakoga jutra budim sa saznanjem da Marjana nema još jedan dan i da taj dan moram da preživim. Sami smo saznali da je ušao u taksi od ljudi koji su radili preko puta zgrade radija. Takođe smo saznali i da su taj taksi često koristili stranci, što oni danas negiraju. Mnogo kasnije sam saznala i da nekom kolegi nije bio po volji, pa mu je pretio. Ali, Marjan se meni nije žalio.

Istina nije u interesu

Cica Janković je nestanak svog sina, septembra 2000, odmah prijavila UNMIK-u, Međunarodnom komitetu Crvenog krsta, Crvenom krstu Jugoslavije, MUP-u Republike Srbije, ali to nije dalo rezultata.

Sve ove godine kao aktivni član Udruženja porodica kidnapovanih i nestalih lica na Kosovu i Metohiji, nije prošao sastanak sa predstavnicima domaćih i međunarodnih institucija da nije spomenula i svog sina. Ali, tek 14 godina kasnije, 16. oktobra 2014. joj je potvrđeno ono što je instiktivno znala.

Savetodavna komisija za ljudska prava UNMIK-a, povodom nestanka Marjana Melonašija, novinara srpske redakcije Radio televizije Kosova, utvrdila je da u UNMIK-ovoj dokumentaciji ne postoji niti jedan istražni spis koji bi ukazao da su policajci bilo koga ispitali vezano za taj slučaj.

– Uzimajući u obzir okolnosti ovog slučaja UNMIK nije preduzeo sve adekvatne mere kako bi pronašao posmrtne ostatke nestalog lica i nastavio istragu kako bi identifikovao počinioce i izveo ih pred lice pravde. Komisija strahuje da takva neaktivnost ukazuje na određenu nevoljnost policije UNMIK da sprovede istragu, pogotovu kada ima naznaka o politički motivisanom nasilju koje je ukazivalo na osobe povezane za OVK – navodi Komisija u zaključcima.

Od šefa te misije, Komisija je tražila da se javno prizna odgovornost za kršenje ljudskih prava, da se izvini porodici i da zatraži od nadležnih organa na Kosovu da preduzmu sve moguće korake kako bi se osiguralo da se krivična istraga nastavi, a počinioci izvedu pred lice pravde.

– Kada sve to čujete osećate se nemoćno. Ne možete ništa. Prvo, tadašnja vlast nije podnela nijedan zahtev Kosovu za nestale. Očigledno da nije u interesu da se sazna sudbina mog sina, ali i druge. Da jeste, saznali bi i makar nam rekli istinu. Sa ovakvim sistemima vladavine prava, tu istinu i pravdu, sigurna sam – neću doživeti – ističe Cica Janković.

Nije želeo da napusti Prištinu  

– Molila sam ga, klečala, ali nije želeo da napusti Prištinu. Stalno je ponavljao – ovde je sada mir. Bolje da ostanem ovde da radim za neku pristojnu platu, nego da dođem kod tebe i nemam posla. Još samo malo pa ću doći. I tako me je vukao iz meseca u mesec.

Marjan Melonaši znao je srpski, engleski, albanski, malo romski, a počeo da uči i turski, pa se lako zaposlio kao prevodilac. Imao je širok krug prijatelja, verovao je u opstanak i suživot, verovao da će Kosovo postati Švajcarska.

– Prvo je radio u švajcarskom Medija ekšen internešnelu, potom u Jenu, japanskoj humanitarnoj organizaciji u Kosovu Polju, gde je išao po srpskim selima i nosio humanitarnu pomoć. Zatim se zaposlio u Radio Kosovu, redakciji na srpskom jeziku. Radio je gradske vesti i tu nije bilo nikakve politike. Jeste radio intervjue i sa određenim NATO čelnicima, ali na temu toga da je Priština bila porušena, nije bilo struje, vode i sve te službe je trebalo obnoviti. Odlazio je u Crveni krst i pravio reportaže. To je bio sadržaj njegovih emisija – pojašnjava njegova majka.

Mnogo godina kasnije, Marjanova majka susrela sa sa Stevanom Simovićem, ocem ubijenog novinara Aleksandra Simovića Sime. Tada je saznala za još jedno preplitanje sudbine. Kada je Aleksandar Simović ubijen, Marjan Melonaši je počeo da radi na njegovom radnom mestu u Medija ekšn internešnelu.

Marjan Melonaši rođen je u Prištini 3. jula 1976. godine. Jedino je dete u svojih roditelja. Odrastao je, školovao se i radio u mestu rođenja. Svi Marjanovi prijatelji opisuju ga kao urbanog momka, gradskog tipa, neopterećenog politikom.

– Mene roditelji nisu vaspitavali da budem političar, niti sam ja vaspitavala Makicu, a nisu ni otac, ni deda, ni stric. I sada bih opet isto uticala na formiranje njegove ličnosti. Retko dobro dete. Topao i drag. Svaki put kada ga sanjam, prvo sam ljuta, hoću da bijem što ga nema. A koliko god da sam strepela što je ostao u Prištini, onako kako samo roditelj strepi za detetom, u momentu kada je nestao, bila sam prazna. Prestala sam da strepim. Krajičkom duše, verujem da Marjan negde tamo bitiše, diše,živi. Lažem sebe, ali jedino tako opstajem.

Nije bilo slobode za Srbe

Cica Janković centar Prišine u kome je živela napustila je jula 1999. godine, nakon što su i njeni roditelji otišli. Sećajući se vremena kada je, kako kaže, i sama izbegla da bude napadnuta ili prebijana, sakrivajući se iza parkiranih automobila kako bi izbegla “pratioce”, kaže da je to vreme kada nije bilo slobode za Srbe.

Provalija boli

– Marjan je bio običan dečkić, sve ga je zanimalo. Mogu o svom dečku da pričam u superlativu sve, ali to neće biti verovatno prava slika. Uvek imam blokade kada treba da pričam o Marjanu. To toliko boli da jednostano ne mogu da progovorim. I šta majka o svom detetu može da kaže, osim da ga voli?

Tomanović: UNMIK nije reagovao na naše apele

UNMIK je istragu o nestanku Marjana Melonašija otvorio tek 2005. godine, iako je njegova majka zločin prijavila pet godina ranije, a Verica Tomanović, predsednica Udruženja porodica kidnapovanih i nestalih lica na Kosovu i Metohiji, 2003. posebno skrenula pažnju UNMIK-u na zločine u Prištini.

– Te godine smo imali sastanak sa šefom odeljenja za istragu UNMIK-a, na kome smo posebno predstavili podatke o zločinima u Prištini, objašnjavali da je mnogo ljudi oteto i nestalo i da nemamo nikakve informacije. Taj šef nam je pokazao prazne registre, pokazao da ništa nije urađeno i uputio nas na odeljenje za nestale osobe. U UNMIK-ovom odeljenju za nestale su bili iznenađeni kada su nas videli, a onda su se svi inspektori okupili za stolom i rekli da oni rade svoj posao, a da će nas obaveštavati. Obaveštenja nije bilo, a godinama unazad smo se naslušali raznih “objašnjenja” da je razlog za njihove otmice bila osveta. Ali, svi koji su nakon juna 1999. ostali na Kosovu su bili nevini civili koji nisu imali nikakvo oružje i nikome ništa nisu uradili – kaže Verica, koja 19 godina traga za suprugom, dr Andrijom Tomanovićem, načelnikom Hirurške klinike u Prištini.

 

The Croatian Journalists’ Association sent an open letter – an appeal for freedom of journalism

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ZAGREB, 01.10.2018. – At the occasion of the extraordinary dismissal of Hrvoje Zovko and the current situation at the Croatian Radio-television, the Croatian Journalists’ Association sent an open letter to the domestic and international institutions and organizations dealing with media protection.

Here is the original letter:

 

To:                                                                                Zagreb, October 1st 2018

CROATIAN PARLIAMENT

GOVERNMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA

MINISTRY OF CULTURE

EUROPEAN FEDERATION OF JOURNALISTS

INTERNATIONAL FEDERATION OF JOURNALISTS

ORGANIZATION FOR SECURITY AND CO-OPERATION IN EUROPE

EUROPEAN COMMISSION

EUROPEAN COUNCIL

EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT

AMBASSADORS OF EU COUNTRY MEMBERS IN CROATIA

ROYAL NORWEGIAN EMBASSY IN CROATIA

EMBASSY OF CANADA IN CROATIA

EMBASSY OF JAPAN IN CROATIA

EMBASSY OF SWITZERLAND IN CROATIA

EMBASSY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

 

 

OPEN LETTER – CJA’S APPEAL FOR FREEDOM OF JOURNALISM

 

We kindly ask you to publicly intercede and thus show support to Hrvoje Zovko, now former editor-in-chief of HTV4, one of the news channels of the Croatian Radiotelevision (HRT), and the current President of the Croatian Journalists’ Association (CJA/HND), and to stop the intimidation, censorship and arbitrariness which the HRT Board carries out in this public company, directly destroying professional journalism.

Colleague Zovko has been dismissed for pointing out censorship and the inability to carry out his work responsibly and professionally. Rather than taking into serious consideration the content of Zovko’s resignation as editor-in-chief, in which he warned of censorship, HRT’s leadership went into retaliation directed at CJA, whose branch present on HRT had previously repeatedly pointed to irregularities and violations of professional journalistic standards.

Resigning, Hrvoje Zovko verbally clashed with his superior, Katarina Periša Čakarun, HRT’s Information Media Service manager. The public television service used the conflict with Zovko’s superior to impose an unjustifiably severe measure of extraordinary dismissal, deciding to completely ignore his right to express the opposite opinion. This is a practice inherent in authoritarian regimes, which democratic societies cannot and should not tolerate.

The CJA president tried to fight for maintaining professional standards of journalism in his own workplace and was “rewarded” by sanction for verbal delict.

Colleague Zovko has been on public television for 21 years, during which he has never received an oral or written admonishment about his work. He was informed of the dismissal through the media, and before he was handed a written document stating that his employment was terminated, his official email address was already canceled.

Immediately upon receiving the information on the President’s outstanding dismissal, CJA filed an official request to the Information, Informatization and Media Committee of the Croatian Parliament, to put the case on the agenda of their session and to enable the representatives of the CJA’s Executive Committee to attend the session and further explain the situation. Most of the members of the Committee of the Parliament rejected the debate on intimidation of journalists on HRT and systematic destruction of public media services, putting it down to an issue of “working dispute” in which they “do not want to interfere”. Amongst the external members of this Committee, who are elected from the ranks of members of the journalist profession, after a long time, there are no representatives of the journalist professionals, due to the will of the ruling party and the opposition. In this way, the voice of our profession is silenced even in this body.

As an additional paradox, the findings in the report of the former, abruptly dismissed HRT Supervisory Board from 2016, which warn of numerous irregularities and possible illegalities in the work and operations of the Management Board, were declared a “business secret” at the request of that same Management Board. The parliamentary majority refuses to lift the “business secret” seal on this document, despite the fact that HRT is financed by Croatian citizens’ money and that these same citizens have a right to know if the business decisions of the Administration are in accordance with the laws.

The public is increasingly posing the question whether public television, as it currently stands, makes sense. If something does not change very quickly, under such circumstances, its existence will become absurd. Will the legislator, the institutions in charge, and in particular, the Ministry of Culture, continue to passively observe how the existence of HRT, whose task is to inform and educate, becomes irrelevant? If HRT in such form becomes an obstacle, instead of presenting an open path towards a free society, those who set the legal framework and are responsible for their functioning, will have to finally answer the question related to their ability to cope with the existence of public media, as a sign of serious democratic achievement.

We strongly consider that due to the circumstances of the dismissal of the CJA President and the alarming situation at HRT, an urgent public response is an utmost requirement, to prevent the evident collapse of the profession of journalism and in this, we ask for your help.

 

On behalf of Croatian Journalists’ Association,

Slavica Lukić, vice president

Denis Romac, vice president

AJM and UNDP organized a training on topic: “Free and Equal / Inclusive Reporting on Human Rights and Diversities”

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SKOPJE, 10.01.2018 – The Association of Journalists of Macedonia in cooperation with UNDP, organized a three-day workshop for journalists on the topic: “Free and Equal / Inclusive Reporting on Human Rights and Diversities”.

The main conclusion of the workshop was that journalists’ should respect human rights and ethical norms and refrain from discrimination and hate speech, especially towards marginalized communities.

The trainers on the workshop Marina Tuneva and Irena Cvetkovic, said that some media in the country violate basic human rights, especially towards marginalized communities, spreading hate speech and discrimination. Additionally, it was jointly concluded that it is necessary to create systematic engagement of the media regulatory and self-regulatory bodies for establishing decency in the production of topics related to the LGBT community.

According to Marina Tuneva, from the Institute for Communication Studies and Director of the Media Ethics Council, the media has a very important role in changing the perceptions and building public attitudes about important issues of public interest. Through their media articles journalists change some types of informing which are not desirable, or to be more concrete, they should help overcome stereotypes about the LGBT population in the country. This means they should not report using limited sources of information, topics should be broader and they should not provide just servile information from events they have attended,” Tuneva said.

Irena Cvetkovic emphasized that CSO’s can, in cooperation with media, contribute to more inclusive and democratic reporting, especially when reporting on topics related to marginalized groups of the community. “We strongly believe that media serves key partner in our goal, which is changing society and building a democratic society whose principles rest on freedom and equality for all,” Cvetkovic said.

The Executive Director of AJM, Dragan Sekulovski, announced that next mount a manual for ethical reporting on diversity is planned to be published and will be available in three languages: Macedonian, Albanian and English.

Savović: Rešenje za probleme medija nije u sudu

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photo: pixabay

BEOGRAD, 01.10.2018. – Počnimo od jednog pojašnjenja. Sudovi u medijskim sporovima ne izriču kazne medijima, već naknade štetu strani koja ju je pretrpela. Sud procenjuje koliko medij koji je povredio nečije pravo na čast i ugled treba da plati kako bi oštećena strana mogla da priušti sebi neku satisfakciju.

Dakle, ideja suda nije da kažnjava medije, već da odredi naknadu štete – ovako advokatica Kruna Savović počinje razgovor o medijskom pravu i mogućnostima da zakon uvede red u domaću medijsku scenu.

Malo ko poznaje tu materiju toliko dobro kao ona. Radeći na čelu sektora za sudsko zastupanje u medijskim sporovima advokatske kancelarije Živković Samardžić, koja ovih dana obeležava dvadeset godina rada, Kruna Savović je neposredno učestvovala u nekim od najznačajnijih predmeta tog tipa.

Branila je televiziju B92 kada ih je tužio bivši direktor RTS-a Dragoljub Milanović, zastupala je Verana Matića u sporu koji je vodio protiv Informera, radi za NUNS… Trenutno, između ostalog, brani KRIK po tužbama ministra Nenada Popovića i zastupa glumca Andreasa Kaufmana u sporu koji vodi protiv lista Politika. I pored toga, ona konačno rešenje za probleme domaće medijske scene ne vidi u sudnici.

– Ključna stvar za medijsku scenu jeste samoregulacija. Mediji jednostavno ne poštuju „Kodeks novinara Srbije“. Na tome treba raditi. Mediji treba da se okrenu sebi, da se sami koriguju. A to ne čine. Uzmite za primer tabloide u kojima se vrlo često krši pretpostavka nevinosti. Ako pročitate neke od „problematičnih“ tekstova, primenićete da su oni zapravo, često, korektno napisani. Problematični su iz perspektive naslova i opreme teksta, kao i toga na koji su način predstavljeni na naslovnim stranama. Tada shvatite da urednici, koji su inače zaduženi da kontrolišu da li je novinar dobro uradio svoj posao, zarad boljeg tiraža ili više klikova, izvlače stvari iz konteksta grubo kršeći „Kodeks novinara Srbije“.

*Ali u slučaju gde samoregulacija gotovo da ne postoji, nije li sud taj koji treba da se postara da mediji poštuju zakone?

– Mislim da se konačno rešenje za problem medija ne može tražiti u sudu. Sudski mehanizam ima svoju ulogu, a ona se tiče zaštite prava i procene naknade koju treba da primi strana čija su prava povređena. S druge strane, vrlo je očigledno šta tabloidi rade. Oni procenjuju koliku korist, a koliku štetu imaju od objavljivanja nekog teksta. Pogled na sudske presude kao na „trošak poslovanja“ – predstavlja njihov biznis model, duboko verujem u to.

* Deset godina se bavite medijskim sporovima. Da li se u tom periodu nešto promenilo u vašem poslu?

– U periodu od 2008. do 2016. godine u sudu sam se pojavljivala u ulozi advokata koji zastupa tuženu stranu. Od 2016. godine u podjednakoj meri zastupam i podnosioce tužbe. Razlog tome leži u činjenici da novinari sve češće počinju da tuže druge novinare, urednike i medije zbog povrede časti i ugleda, kršenja pretpostavke nevinosti, povredu prava na privatnost…

* Šta mislite o ideji Advokatske komore Beograda, koja je nedavno izašla sa predlogom izmena Krivičnog zakonika kako bi kršenje pretpostavke nevinosti bilo označeno kao krivično delo?

– Sa tim predlogom se ne slažem. Mislim da bi se tako napravio korak unazad. Kada je kleveta dekriminalizovana, dekriminalizovano je i nedozvoljeno komentarisanje sudskih odluka i ne vidim da se u međuvremenu pojavila potreba za povratkom na staro. Iako razumem razloge za taj predlog Advokatske komore Beograda, kao i kolege koji se za taj predlog zalažu, smatram da se stvar ne treba rešavati na taj način.

Granica pretpostavke nevinosti

* Objasnite nam razliku između tvrdnje da je Veran Matić „ispod žita“ pokušao da sebi obezbedi poziciju generalnog direktora RTS-a (Matić dobio Informer) i one da je Dragoljub Milanović „žrtvovao radnike RTS-a“ (Milanović tužio B92 i izgubio)?

– Kada kažete da neko radi nešto „ispod žita“ vi ga zapravo optužujete za krivično delo. Da bi se tako nešto tvrdilo mora da postoji pravosnažna presuda koja taj navod potvrđuje. Bez nje, navedenom tvrdnjom krši se pretpostavka nevinosti. S druge strane, reči da je Dragoljub Milanović „žrtvovao“ radnike RTS-a sud je u prvom stepenu prepoznao kao vrednosni sud. Apelacioni sud je, međutim, zauzeo stav da se radi o netačnom činjeničnom sudu, jer ne postoji pravosnažna sudska odluka da je Milanović izvršio krivično delo ubistva. Na kraju, po našoj reviziji, Vrhovni kasacioni sud je tu odluku Apelacionog suda ukinuo, nalazeći da se radi o vrednosnom sudu, koji je dozvoljeno doneti na osnovu sudskog spora koji se vodio protiv Milanovića.

Agency for electronic media must stay independent

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rtcg.me

PODGORICA, 01.10.2018. – New version of Public administration law, which predicts that regulatory bodies, including Agency for Electronic Media (AEM) are part of the state administration, will be in the Parliament procedure during this month. The proposed amendments establish Government jurisdiction over the appointment of members of councils and governing bodies in regulatory agencies.
Civil sector is not satisfied with such solutions, neither the AEM. The Council of that regulatory body noted that the draft Law on State Administration directly threatens the independence of the Agency. As announced by the Council, AEM is one of the pillars of the protection and development of the freedom of the media, whose work is particularly following the process of stabilization and accession of the EU.

“All relevant European standards define the independent position of audiovisual media (AVM) regulators, making provision for the independence of AEMs one of the criteria for closing Chapter 10 Information Society and Media. The European Commission gives special attention to the independence of AVM service regulators, which is confirmed by the fact that the proposal to amend the AVM Services Directive, to be adopted by the European Parliament this month, explicitly states that the regulator of electronic media must be independent of the government and the media industry”, added are they.

They recall that Montenegro’s obligation is to implement Directive for AVM services in its entirety in its legislation.

“In accordance with the aforementioned, proposed Law is completely contrary to the Directive. We believe that the proposed legal solutions return the whole independent regulatory process in the field of AVM services. The regulator is reduced to the level of executive authority without guarantees of independence”, they said.

Concerning the proposed solutions, the Center for Civic Education (CGO) also stated: “At the session of the Government of Montenegro from June 20, 2018, a proposal was made of the Law on State Administration, which in Article 43 for the first time introduces State Agencies and prescribes that they are directly responsible to the Government of Montenegro for their work, and Article 44 strengthens it by determining that the Government chooses and dismisses the members of the councils of state agencies. We support the systematic approach to the regulation of state administration, which certainly opens the space for a greater degree of coordination over existing agencies. Because of its roles and positions in the system, AEM can not be treated in this way and placed  with other agencies. In addition, this solution is contrary to the principles of the functioning of regulators in the media and the EU Audiovisual Media Services Directive (AVMSD)”.

“We invite members of the Parliament of Montenegro to act on the amendments and to change the proposed solution within the parliamentary procedure by moving the AEM from the framework of state agencies to which the Law on State Administration refers. The proposed solution of the Government can not contribute either to the necessary improvement of the situation in the media nor to accelerating our path to the EU”, they added.

Media Center announced that the changes to the Law on State Administration indicate a lack of communication between the Ministry of Culture and the Ministry of Public Administration that prepared the draft law. The EU Directives, with which the Montenegrin legislation must be harmonized, clearly prescribes the independence of regulators in the field of electronic media in relation to the Government, public institutions and the economic sector.

“If this is not a bad coordination within the Government, then is the clear intention  to further increase the influence of the ruling party on the electronic media and limit the realization of the public interest in this area. This means, furthermore, an increased violation of professional standards by the media controlled by DPS , further destruction of media founded in Montenegro through the absence of control of the marketing market”, they added.

Predlozi NUNS-a za unapređenje REM-a

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photo: N1

BEOGRAD, 29.09.2018. – Kvalitet rada regulatornog tela, a naročito njegova nezavisnost, istovremeno je i garant nezavisnosti medija čiji se rad nadzire.

Situacija u pogledu nezavisnosti Regulatornog tela za elektronske medije je daleko od idealne. U cilju poboljšanja njegovog položaja neophodno je ustanoviti niz mehanizama, čiji bi cilj bio obezbeđivanje funkcionalne, finansijske i organizacione nezavisnosti, kao i “pravne odvojenosti” od sistema klasične (državne) uprave, uz jasno opredeljenje da ovo telo svoje zadatke mora da obavlja nepristrasno i transparentno i da ne prima nikakva uputstva u vezi sa izvršavanjem zadataka koji su im dodeljeni od bilo kog centra moći (uključujući tu i zakonodavnu i izvršnu granu vlasti), ali da to ne podrazumeva ni na koji način isključivanje njegove odgovornosti.

Polazeći od problema uočenih u različitim analizama i izveštajima[1] NUNS je izradio predloge za izmenu Zakona o elektronskim medijima kojim bi se obezbedilo da Regulatorno telo za elektronske mediji ispunjava svrhu svog postojanja.

1. Pravni status

Usvajanja Zakona o elektronskim medijima 2014. godine i primenom Zakona o državnoj upravi, čini se da status REM-a kao „isturenog odeljenja“ državne uprave i konačno zacementiran (imajući u vidu ovlašćenja koja imaju organi državne uprave prema REM-u, odnosno da ovakav položaj REM – a omogućava nadležnom ministarstvu da poverene poslove u bilo kom momentu može da oduzme Regulatoru).

Takođe, u praksi (ne)aktivnosti zakonodavne vlasti značajno utiču na nezavisnost REM-a, na primer, odbijanjem da se izaberu pojedini članovi Saveta REM-a, nedavanje saglasnosti na Statut REM-a ili kašnjenje u davanju saglasnosti na Finansijski plan.

PreporukaIzdvajanje REM-a iz sistema organa državne uprave i promena kategorizacije poslova REM-a.

2. Samostalnost

REM ima dva organa, i to: Savet i predsednika Saveta. Savet bira Skupština, a na osnovu predloga ovlašćenih predlagača u skladu sa zakonom. Ukupno se bira devet članova, a čak četiri od tog broja se biraju na predlog “političkih tela”, dva na predlog nadležnog odbora Narodne skupštine za kulturu i informisanje, jedan na predlog nadležnog odbora Skupštine Autonomne Pokrajine i jedan na zajednički predlog nacionalnih saveta nacionalnih manjina (koje čine politički predstavnici stranaka nacionalnih manjina). Suštinski četiri člana Saveta, koji se biraju na predlog političkih tela, iako ne čine većinu, u uslovima u kojima Skupština odbija da se izjasni o pojedinim kandidatima, mogu da donesu gotovo sve odlukeSavet REM još uvek radi u nepunom sastavu. Naime, tri člana Saveta su izabrana po Zakonu o radiodifuziji u maju 2011. godine (koji predviđa mandate od 6 godina), što znači da im je mandat istekao u maju 2017. godine[2]. Po podacima sa internet stranice REM-a, ovo telo trenutno funkcioniše sa 6 članova (od ukupno 9).[3] Zanimljivo je istaći da će, u slučaju da Savet iz bilo kog razloga izgubi još jednog člana, rad REM-a biti u priličnoj meri blokiran, jer će izostati 2/3 većina, koja je po ZEM-u potrebna za: izbor predsednika i potpredsednika Saveta[4], usvajanje podzakonskih akata iz nadležnosti REM-a (uključujući Statut, Poslovnik o radu i druge podzakonske akte)[5], za donošenje rešenja o oduzimanju dozvole[6], za donošenje odluke o suspendovanju člana Saveta (čak i sa ovim brojem suspenzija nije moguća, jer za suspenziju treba da glasa i član koji bi trebalo da se suspenduje).[7]

PreporukaSmanjivanje uticaja zakonodavnih organa i organa državne uprave na Regulatorno telo za elektronske medije.

3. Primena zakona

Pored ovlašćenja koja se tiču iniciranja odgovarajućeg postupka, REM-u je na raspolaganju i izricanje mera pružaocima medijske usluge, zbog povrede obaveza koje se odnose na programski sadržaj.

U dosadašnjoj primeni ZEM-a, REM je izrekao ukupno 48 mera, i to 28 opomena, 19 upozorenja, jednu privremenu zabranu objavljivanja određenog programa i nije oduzimao dozvole po osnovu povrede programskih obaveza.

Pored toga, REM je podneo 1020 prekršajnih prijava, sud je doneo 491 presudu, od čega je 310 presuda kojim se obustavlja postupak zbog zastarelosti. Budući da se oko 63% postupaka okonča po osnovu zastarelosti, pitanje je koliko ovo ovlašćenje REM-a zaista može odvraćajuće da utiče na pružaoce medijske usluge da ne krše odredbe Zakona o oglašavanju.

Mere koje su na raspolaganju REM-u nisu dovoljne da se obezbedi poštovanje zakona, te je neophodno razmišljati o uvođenju mera koje imaju novčane implikacije, koje bi mogle da budu efikasnije od opomene i upozorenja koje se brišu nakon dve godine, a koje nisu drastične kao zabrana objavljivanja programa do 30 dana i oduzimanje dozvole.

Preporuka: Uvođenje novih mera koje imaju finansijske implikacije na Regulatorno telo za elektronske medije.

4. Odgovornost

Trebalo bi ojačati i odgovornost i profesionalnost samog regulatornog tela. Veliki broj domaćih i međunarodnih izveštaja kritikuju opredeljenje REM-a da nadzor nad radom pružalaca medijske usluge vrši samo na osnovu prijave, što je naročito problematično u vreme praćenja elektronskih medija u vreme predizborne kampanje.

Kriterijum „uglednog stručnjaka iz oblasti koje su od značaja za obavljanje poslova iz nadležnosti Regulatora“ nije dovoljno jasan a navođenje profesija iz kojih se biraju članovi Saveta ne doprinosi njegovom pojašnjavaju. Sam izraz „ugledni stručnjak“ je dovoljno dvosmislen da može unapred da isključi „politički nepodobne osobe“ jer, u krajnjoj liniji, ocena „ugleda“ je potpuno na volji skupštinske većine. U tom smislu, nije ni jasno kojim se dokumentima dokazuje da je neki kandidat ugledni stručnjak. Umesto „ugledni“ bi valjalo koristiti „dokazani“ stručnjak.

Preporuka: Stvaranje uslova za profesionalniji i odgovorniji rad REM-a: utvrđivanje kriterijuma stručnosti za izbor članova REM-a, poboljšanje transparentnosti i odgovornosti, ustanovljavanje organa direktora radi relaksiranja Saveta od nepotrebnih poslova.

Ceo dokument  “Predlozi NUNS-a za unapređenje rada Regulatornog tela za elektronske medije” možete požete pogledati u prilogu.

IJAS Position Paper on Improving Work of Regulatory authority for electronic media

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photo: N1

BELGRADE, 29.09.2018. – The quality of work of the regulatory authority, particularly its independence, at the same time guarantees the independence of the media outlet whose work is being monitored.

The situation as regards the independence of the Regulatory Authority for Electronic Media (REM) is far from ideal. To improve its position, a number of mechanisms need to be established with the aim of securing functional, financial and organizational independence, as well as “legal apartness” from the system of classic (state) administration, with clear determination that this body must perform its tasks in an unbiased and transparent manner and not receive any instructions regarding the completion of its tasks from any power center (including the legislative and executive branches), but that this in no way entails the exclusion of its accountability.

Starting from the problems identified in various analyses and reports,[1] the IJAS has drawn up proposals for amendments to the Electronic Media Act, which would ensure that the Regulatory Authority for Electronic Media fulfilled the purpose of its existence.

  1. Legal Status

With the adoption of the Electronic Media Act in 2014 and implementation of the Public Administration Act, it seems that REM’s status as a public administration “outpost” has finally been cemented (keeping in mind the authorities of public administration bodies toward REM, i.e. that this position of REM enables the competent ministry to strip the Regulator of the assigned tasks at any moment).

Also, in reality the (in)activity of the legislative branch has a significant impact on REM’s independence, for example, refusal to appoint certain members of the REM Council, denying consent to the REM Statute or delays in approving the Financial Plan.

Recommendation: Separation of REM from the system of public administration bodies and changing its task classification.

  1. Independence

REM has two bodies, specifically: the Council and Council president. The Council is appointed by the Assembly, based on nominations by authorized nominators in accordance with the law. Nine members are appointed in total, and as many as four of them are appointed on the grounds of nominations by “political bodies,” two are nominated by the competent National Assembly committee on culture and information, one is nominated by the competent committee of the Assembly of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina, and one is jointly nominated by the national councils of national minorities (comprising political representatives of national minority parties). Basically, the four Council members nominated by political bodies, despite not constituting the majority, can make almost all the decisions. The REM Council is still working in an incomplete form. Namely, three Council members were appointed under the Broadcasting Act in May 2011 (which envisages six-year terms in office), meaning that their term in office expired in May 2017.[2] According to the information found on the REM website, this body currently functions with six members (of the total nine).[3] It is interesting to point out that in the event that the Council loses another member for whatever reason, REM’s work will largely be blocked, because it will no longer have a two-third majority, which according to the Electronic Media Act is required for the following: election of the Council president and vice president,[4] adoption of bylaws under REM’s jurisdiction (including the Statute, Rules of Procedure and other bylaws),[5] issuing decisions on revoking licenses,[6] deciding on the suspension of a Council member (even with this number suspension is impossible, because the member to be suspended also needs to vote for the suspension).[7]

Recommendation: Reducing the influence of legislative and public administration bodies on the Regulatory Authority for Electronic Media.

  1. Implementation of the Law

Besides authorities pertaining to initiating the appropriate procedure, REM also has at its disposal the ordering of measures to media service providers due to their violation of obligations pertaining to program content.

In the implementation of the Electronic Media Act so far, REM has ordered a total of 48 measures, specifically 28 preliminary warnings, 19 warnings, one temporary ban on the broadcasting of a certain program, and has not revoked licenses on the grounds of violation of program obligations.

REM has so far also filed 1020 misdemeanor charges, the court has handed down 491 verdicts, 310 of which suspended further proceedings due to the fact that the statute of limitations had been exceeded. Since about 63% of proceedings end on the grounds of exceeded statute of limitations, it is questionable how deterring this authority of REM can actually be for media service providers to not violate provisions of the Advertising Act.

The measures at REM’s disposal are insufficient to ensure adherence to the law, thus the introduction of measures with monetary implications needs to be considered, as they could be more effective than preliminary warnings and warnings that are erased after two years, and which are not as drastic as a ban on broadcasting program up to 30 days and license revocation.

Recommendation: Introduction of new measures with financial implications to the Regulatory Authority for Electronic Media.

  1. Accountability

The accountability and professionalism of the regulatory authority itself should be strengthened. Numerous national and international reports criticize REM’s choice to conduct supervision of the work of a media service provider only on the grounds of a report, which is especially problematic in the period of monitoring electronic media during an election campaign.

The criterion of “a renowned expert in areas of importance for conducting affairs under the jurisdiction of the Regulator” is not clear enough, and listing the professions from which Council members are selected does not help to clarify it. The term “renowned expert” itself is ambiguous enough that it can rule out “politically unfit individuals” in advance because, ultimately, the evaluation of “renown” is completely up to the parliamentary majority. In that sense, it is not clear what documents prove that a particular candidate is a renowned expert. Instead of “renowned,” the term that should be used is “proven” expert.

Recommendation: Creation of conditions for REM’s more professional and responsible work: defining the criterion of expertise for the appointment of REM members, improving transparency and accountability, establishing the organ of director in order to relieve the Council of unnecessary work.

 

[1] http://safejournalists.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/Indikatori-za-nivo-slobode-medija-i-bezbednosti-novinara-2017-Srbija.pdf

http://safejournalists.net/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/NUNS-Hronika-napada-i-prtisaka-na-novinare-2017.pdf

http://rem.rs/uploads/files/PDF/REM%20Report%20Indireg.pdf

[2] V. page 5 of REM Annual Report for 2016, published in 2017 and available on the REM website via the following link: http://bit.ly/2FjhtwY

[3] V.: http://www.rem.org.rs/sr/o-nama.

[4] Article 19 of the Electronic Media Act.

[5] Article 33 of the Electronic Media Act.

[6] Article 90 of the Electronic Media Act.

[7] Article 19 of the Electronic Media Act.

Journalists’ position as the damaged party during court procedures

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SARAJEVO, 28.09.2018.-If journalists’ safety is jeopardized by any criminal deed (felony) committed by certain suspects or the accused, journalists, during the court procedure, are treated as the damaged party. A damaged party is a person or persons whom personal or material right was violated or jeopardized, as a result of the committed criminal deed (felony).

Typical criminal deed (felony) committed against journalists include the following:

– “Minor Injury” (Anyone causing minor injuries to another person or persons or slightly violates his/her health, shall be fined or imprisoned for one year”), identical for Criminal Law of the Republic of Srpska and Criminal Law of the Federation of BiH”.

– “Major Injury” (Anyone causing major injuries to another person or persons or anyone who vastly violates his/her health, shall be fined or imprisoned for six months up to five years”), identical for Criminal Law of the Republic of Srpska and Criminal Law of the Federation of BiH”

– “Endangering Safety” (Anyone endangering the safety of a person or persons imposing serious threats that he/she or close members of their families, friends or relatives will be killed, seriously injured, deliberated or kidnapped or harmed by setting a fire, explosion or any other commonly known dangerous action or material, shall be fined or imprisoned for one year pursuant to Criminal Law of the Republic of Srpska / (Anyone endangering the safety of a person or persons with serious threats of assaulting and attacking the life or body of this person or disturbing the public with his/her deeds, shall be imprisoned up to six months, pursuant to Criminal Law of the Federation of BiH)

– “Damaging the property” (Anyone destroying, damaging or making the property of other parties unused, shall be fined or imposed for up to two years, pursuant to Criminal Law of the Republic of Srpska) / (Anyone damaging, destroying or making the property of another party unused, shall be fined or imprisoned for up to six months, pursuant to Criminal Law of the Federation of BiH).

– “Violation of Free Expression” (Anyone denying or delimiting freedom of expression or public exposure, foundation of public informing institutions, freedom of press or other means of public informing, shall be fined or imprisoned for up to one year) / (This felony is not defined according to the Criminal Law of the Federation of BiH).

– “Averting the publishing, distribution of printed material and broadcasting the program” (Anyone illegally averting publishing, selling or distribution of books, newspapers or other printed material or averting manufacturing and broadcasting of radio or television program, shall be fined or imprisoned for up to one year, pursuant to Criminal Law of the Republic of Srpska) / (Anyone illegally averting publishing, selling or distribution of books, newspapers or other printed material or averting manufacturing and broadcasting of radio or television program, shall be fined or imprisoned for up to one year, pursuant to Criminal Law of the Federation of BiH). And in more complex cases:

– “Constraint” (Anyone using the force or serious threats the other party to do or not do to, or make him/her suffer in any way, shall be fined or imprisoned for up to one year) / (This felony is not defined according to Criminal Law of the Federation of BiH).

– “Kidnapping” (Anyone using the force, threats, deceit or in any other way take away or keep someone against his/her will, with the purpose to extort money from him/her or extort money from third party or any other material benefit or to force him/her to do, not to do or suffer from something, shall be fine or imprisoned for one to eight years, pursuant to Criminal Law of the Republic of Srpska) / (Anyone illegally holding someone against his/her will or take his/her freedom or limits his/her moves with the purpose of forcing him/her to do or not to do something or to make him/her suffer in any way, shall be imprisoned for six months up to one year, pursuant to Criminal Law of the Federation of BiH)

– “Murder”(Anyone killing another person shall be imprisoned for at least five years), identical for both Criminal Law of the Republic of Srpska and Criminal Law of the Federation of BiH Any citizen or journalist is entitled and has the right to report criminal deed (felony) to local prosecutor either in written or personally. If the report is done personally, a person making the report shall be warned to eventual consequences for false reporting

. Personal reporting shall be followed by an official report and if the report is done by the phone, the official recording shall be done as well. If the report is submitted to the local court or authorized officials (the police), once they receive it, they will accordingly forward it directly to the authorized prosecutor. In cases of physical or mental injury, it is crucial that journalists (possibly immediately), as the damaged party, report the injury to local medical center and keep all medical records regarding this injury, including photos taken by the nearest photo shop (photos of injuries made by the authorized photographer shop).

As far as other evidence is concerned, it would be strongly advised to keep all necessary evidence, including threatening messages on the phone, letters, and e-mails and so on, and all mentioned evidence must be submitted to authorized officials and to the local prosecutor for further investigation. If there is suspicion that certain criminal deed (felony) was done, authorized officials or local prosecutor may by ex officio launch an investigation, which shall include the interrogation of the suspect, including interrogation of both damaged party and witness or witnesses, as they may also include required inspection and event reconstruction, collection of material evidence and required documents, and consequently they may order required expertise as well. Prosecutor may order investigation; if there is a suspicion that criminal deed (felony) was done. Investigation orders are imposed by the prosecutor where the prosecutor shall indicate the circumstances which should be subject to investigation and accordingly, the prosecutor shall require actions for further investigation accordingly.

Prosecutor shall disapprove the investigation if the report and associated documents, confirm that the reported criminal deed | (felony) cannot be legally considered and treated as the official criminal deed (felony) and if there is no suspicion that the suspect did not commit the alleged criminal deed (felony); also if the event is legally considered and treated as disused case; or if the criminal deed (felony) comprised of amnesty or pardoning; or if there are other circumstances that may exclude criminal prosecution. Regarding the non-implementation of the investigation, the prosecutor shall report the damaged party and the person submitting the claim within three days.

The damaged party and the person submitting the report are legally entitled to make an appeal within eight days to the Prosecutors Office. Prosecutor concludes the investigation when he/she determines that the issue and case have been clarified, so the indictment can be raised. If the investigation is not finished within six months, from the date when the investigation order was brought, certain measures shall be taken, in order to terminate the case with the involvement of the prosecutor’s colleagues and their opinion. After pressing charges, the indictment is submitted to the court for legal confirmation, and if the indictment is confirmed, the accused is called to plead guilty, and the damaged party should be invited to plead, regarding the property legal demand and claims.

If the accused party denies the guilt, the court schedules the main hearing, where suitor’s party presents the evidence, followed by the evidence presented by the defendant’s side, and when the damaged party is called to appear, witnesses are also called to be heard and interrogated directly and with cross-examination method by the prosecutor and the damaged party or his legal solicitor, regarding the circumstances of the criminal deed (felony) allegations, when, in case of explanation of their allegations, their statements from the investigation process, given to the police or prosecutor, can be used as evidence.

During the main hearing, the statement given by the journalist (as the damaged party) is crucial evidence, which, in accordance, in other objective evidence (expertise, photos, items, medical records and so on) and subjective evidence (statements given by other witnesses from the investigation process and from main hearings) has significant power for determining the facts crucial for the success of the indictment, during the entire criminal procedure. We should mention that, if the witness is regularly called to appear, but fails to appear without prior notice and excuse for his absence, the judge may order the officials to bring the witness to the court by the use of force. On the other hand, if the witness is also regularly called to appear and also fails to appear, the judge may apply the fine.

During the court procedure, after common questions, raised by the judge (first name, surname, occupation, date of birth etc), the witness is called to state every fact known to him/her regarding the case, and he will be asked questions due to checking procedure and because of additional issues and eventual explanations required. After direct interrogation (by the prosecutor) and cross-examining process (by the defendant’s side); the journalist (as the damaged party) shall be asked and required to answer the questions asked by the prosecutor or the court officials, whether he/she demands property and legal (compensational) claim against the accused.

Property and the legal claim may relate to compensational claims, returning of items or cancellation of certain legal actions. The recommendation for accepting the property and legal requests (demands) may be submitted no later than by the end of the main hearing, that is, until the hearing when the sanctions expected are to be passed before the court, and the person authorized to submit this claim (damaged party or his legal solicitor) is obliged to mark his/her claim and submit the required evidence. If the authorized person fails to submit the request for property and legal compensation claim during the criminal proceedings until the indictment is confirmed, he/she shall be informed that this claim can be submitted until the end of the hearing, that is, until the sanctions are imposed.

Prosecutor is legally mandatory to collect the evidence, regarding legal and property claims in relation with the criminal deed (felony) and he shall cooperate with the damaged and, pursuant to circumstances provided, he shall interrogate the suspect, that is, the accused party. Items used as the evidence shall be exempted temporarily and, after the completion of this procedure, they shall be returned to their original owner or the damaged party. If these items are needed by the owner, they can be returned to him/her, even prior to the termination of the procedure, but the owner will have to return them if required. During the main hearing and during the court procedure, the prosecutor, not the damaged person, shall present all the evidence available; otherwise, the court shall reject this evidence. After having the process of evidence procedure completed, the judges, that is, the chairman of the court council shall call the prosecutor, the damaged party, the defendant, and the accused party to give their final statements.

The accused party is always the last in this line; that is, in giving the statement. The court shall make the final decision regarding the legal and property claims. The court may, during the verdict process, where the court declares the accused guilty, make the decision and allocate (in full) the legal and property claim to the damaged party or the court may impose partial decision regarding the legal and property claim, and leave and forward the rest to the civil procedure trial. If the information regarding the criminal deed (felony) do not provide the reliable basis for the complete or partial verdict, the court shall direct the damaged party, advising him/her that he/she could claim his/ her legal and property claim in the civil procedure trial. Once the court passes the verdict with the accused party proclaimed not guilty or if the appeal is rejected, the damaged party shall be directed to civil procedure process, in order to claim his/her legal and property claim.

The damaged party may challenge the verdict only based on the court’s decision and regarding the costs and expenses of the criminal deed (felony) and the decision made, regarding the legal and property claims. The damaged party may appeal against the verdict passed, during the first instance procedure, within 15 days from the day of the submission of verdict process. The appeal is submitted to the court that had passed the first instance verdict in several copies for the court, including the opposite party so they can accordingly reply.

This text is a part of E-Bulletin–the second edition of the special serial of BHJ online bulletin implemented as part of the following project: Reinforcing Judicial Expertise on Freedom of Expression and the Media in South-East Europe (JUFREX).