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Slovenia: Media freedom groups back legislative efforts to depoliticise public media

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Reform aimed at limiting political interference over RTV SLO faces upcoming referendum challenge

The undersigned international media freedom and journalists’ organisations today outline their tentative support for reform of the law on Radiotelevizija Slovenija (RTV SLO) and the urgent need to depoliticise the public service media and their oversight bodies amidst continued threats to their independence.

Our organisations welcome the initiative of the new coalition government to reduce the influence of politics on the broadcaster’s operations and foster an enabling climate for its public service mission.

Events of the last few years at RTV SLO have provided a clear illustration of why such changes are urgently needed. Under the previous government, leading politicians created an atmosphere of hostility towards public service media, including smears against journalists and aggressive accusations of political bias, as reflected by the 2021 mission report of the undersigned organizations and Slovenia’s fall to 54th place in Reporters Without Borders’ 2022 World Press Freedom Index. This was accompanied by politicised appointments to RTV SLO’s programming council and supervisory board, on occasion through legal yet questionable practices. Politically-affiliated appointees to these two bodies then utilised voting majorities to approve controversial decisions on staffing and programming favourable to the ruling SDS party, particularly at the public television. These appointments of often unqualified candidates or individuals with links to the former government were pushed through despite the widespread criticism.

Since then, directors and management have been accused by staff of axing shows, removing editors, pressuring or reassigning journalists, and attempting to engineer a political shift in news and current affairs programming. Unions representing RTV SLO have repeatedly undertaken strike action to protest what they claim are unjustified infringements on editorial freedom, while repeated calls have been made by the largest journalist unions for the director general and director of television to step down. These near daily internal clashes, which have intensified in recent months, have led to more than 30 staff quitting and resulted in a damaging drop in viewership and a loss of public trust. Recently, 38 members of staff received warnings about the potential termination of their employment due to their public support for colleagues in the studio. Negotiations to resolve the situation remain unsuccessful. This situation jeopardises RTV SLO’s journalistic mission and undermines the public’s right to information.

It is clear to our organisations that efforts are urgently needed to address the root cause of these issues: the disproportionate influence of all forms of politics on RTV SLO’s governance structures. While previous governments have pledged to amend the 2006 law on RTV Slovenija to reduce political representation on the councils, proposals have always fallen away when reality of governing set in. This lack of political will to address the situation has left the RTV SLO at the mercy of political forces and open to successive periods of instability after election cycles. While concerns over independence in management are nothing new, the changes enacted under the previous government have left the broadcaster in the most challenging situation in decades. We therefore welcome the legislative initiative by the new coalition government led by Prime Minister Robert Golob to address this extraordinary situation.

The draft proposals would restructure the two current governing councils into a single, 17-member decision-making body. Appointments to this new Council of RTV would be made by representatives of civil society and RTV SLO employees. The National Assembly, which currently appoints the majority of members, would play no role. Under the reorganised system, the council would be led by a four-member management board, headed by a president, which would oversee financing and programming. Appointments would be made in a staggered manner. If the changes are approved, the mandate of the current members of the current program and supervisory councils, director general director, director of television, and director of the radio would end, though they would continue in their position until the new council is established. Current editors would remain in their posts, except in cases where it is determined that they do not enjoy the confidence of the majority of employees in their editorial team.

Our shared assessment is that overall these draft amendments represent a justified and principled attempt to revise an outdated legislative framework, depoliticise the broadcaster and foster a more enabling environment for the free exercise of RTV SLO’s journalistic mission. If approved, the new system of governance would significantly limit the ability of any government, current or future, to use its parliamentary majority to fill the councils with allies and interfere in the work of public media. The management model outlined is representative and would reflect a broad range of civil society groups.

However, we note that it is regrettable that the Parliamentary Committee for Culture did not first hold a public consultation on the bill or seek review of the draft from the Council of Europe or international media organisations and journalists’ organisations/unions. While we recognise the need to urgently address the situation at RTV SLO, such changes to the legal framework should have been developed in an open and transparent manner and with the full involvement of civil society and journalist organisations. To ensure full functional independence of this new council, it is vital that all candidates meet strict professional criteria, be selected under clear and transparent rules and be committed to ensuring pluralistic and professional programming. Candidates from civil society should not have any direct or indirect links to political parties. It is vital also that the new financial committee will fully operate in the public interest. Questions also remain about the management of the RTV SLO during the transition period. Nonetheless, in our assessment the draft amendments align with European standards on public service media governance and should have an overall positive impact.

The law was adopted by the National Assembly on 14 July 2022. Before any changes are made, the amendment will face a referendum initiated by the opposition on November 27. If passed, this should ensure the stability of RTV SLO in the short term. Even then, it must not be seen as an antidote to all the challenges currently facing public service media. The process of depoliticisation will be long and challenging. It is crucial also that this legislation be accompanied by a secondary bill which provides for long-term sustainable financing and establishes a solid economic foundation for RTV SLO to hire and train a new generation of professional journalists, re-establish public trust and meet the challenges of the future. This accompanying bill must follow quickly and should establish autonomy in editorial decision-making and modernise the organisation of the institution.

This reform is an important first step forward. If passed, this legislative amendment would move towards fulfilling a key recommendation of the European Commission’s Rule of Law report 2022 on Slovenia, which called for stronger mechanisms to enhance independent governance at public service media. Applying these standards would likewise represent a boost for the media freedom credentials of the new government, which made reform of public service media a priority during its election campaign. Our organisations will continue to closely monitor the situation and call for an end to all politically-motivated pressure on the editorial autonomy of the country’s public service media.

Signed:

Balkan Free Media Initiative (BFMI)

European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)

European Federation of Journalists

Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

International Press Institute (IPI)

Public Media Alliance (PMA)

Reporters Without Borders (RSF)

OBC Transeuropa (OBCT)

BH Journalists: Dodik is preparing the ground for the abolition of freedom of expression in RS

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Sarajevo/Banja Luka, November 24, 2022 – The Steering Committee of the BH Journalists Association sends a public protest to the president of Republika Srpska and SNSD president Milorad Dodik and strongly condemns his verbal attacks on the public service BHRT and BN television.

At yesterday’s press conference, Dodik called BN “enemy television” and accused journalists and other employees of this media outlet of being “foreign spies”, paid by the American and British ambassadors. On Tuesday, Dodik wrote on Twitter and attacked BHRT public service, calling it a “Muslim service”, concluding that “it should not exist as such”.

The Steering Committee of BH Journalists reminds that this is just the latest in a series of verbal attacks by Milorad Dodik on media outlets and journalists in recent years. During his performance of high political positions in the country, Milorad Dodik became an infamous leader of arrogant and primitive communication with media professionals, abusing the power of public functions, insulting and falsely accusing journalists and media whose editorial policy does not suit him.

Targeting the media and journalists as “enemies” and “spies” and creating divisions of the media on national and religious grounds is especially dangerous at a time when the newly elected president of Republika Srpska announces that by the end of the year, changes to the Law on protection against defamation by which defamation will become a criminal offense will be adopted in that entity, as well as that the criminal offenses against the constitutional order of the RS will be expanded. It is no coincidence that Dodik’s latest verbal attacks on the media coincide with the announced changes of the Criminal Code and other laws in Republika Srpska. The president of this BH entity is clearly preparing legal instruments that will allow him future confrontations with “enemy” media outlets, journalists and all other free-thinking citizens, which includes the possibility that some of these journalists and citizens will end up behind bars.

The Steering Committee of the BH Journalists Association demands an immediate reaction from the OHR, OSCE Mission, Council of Europe Office and the Delegation of the European Union in BiH regarding the announced changes to the laws in Republika Srpska. Once again, we warn that if the aforementioned changes to the laws are adopted in the current political environment, it will undoubtedly mean a serious and heavy blow to the freedom of speech for the media, journalists and citizens not only in Republika Srpska, but in the entire Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Steering Committee of the BH Journalists Association

Online abuse: We need to talk, says IFJ

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photo: IFJ

To mark International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women on 25 November, the International Federation of journalists (IFJ) and its Gender Council are urging media organisations to make tackling online abuse a priority and develop concrete steps to eradicate this threat and are calling on governments across the world to ratify ILO Convention 190 on harassment and violence in the world of work.

There is an urgent need to stand with women facing online abuse. There are direct connections between online threats and offline violence and this is something women should not be facing on their own. 

These were among the key points made during the IFJ Gender Council’s conference on Women in Unions: Building power, Fighting for safety which was held online on 22 November and gathered journalists and unions’ activists from around the world. The conference was part of IFJ’s global campaign Online abuse: we need to talk, launchedto mark International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, which also includes the sharing of stories on fighting online abuse and 16-days of activism.

Over 60% of women journalists have faced online abuse during their career, according to IFJ statistics. 

Online abuse  targets women from all political, religious and ethnic backgrounds. One of the main aspects of these attacks is that they are gendered and sexualized.

These acts of violence are not only aimed at intimidating and silencing women in the media, but their chilling effects contribute to killing stories and depriving the public of information, thereby undermining pluralism and the right to access information. 

The IFJ has highlighted the lack of support from newsrooms and media colleagues when a female journalist faces online abuse. Few report the attacks and, if they are reported, very little action is taken. AnIFJ survey conducted in 2018 showed that only half of the victims of online abuse (53%) reported the attacks to their media management, union or the police, and in two-thirds of the cases nothing was done. 

“Less journalists tend to report online abuse because it happens all the time,” said belgian laywer Charlotte Michils to the IFJ. 

We hear again and again female colleagues’ frightening stories about online abuse. We hear about colleagues leaving the profession, suffering traumatic stress disorders. It is high time for media organisations to adopt concrete policies to counter this phenomenon and stand by their female staff, whether employed or freelance. This is not a situation any woman should be facing on her own. Online abuse is not part of the job“, says Maria Angeles Samperio, IFJ Gender Council Chair.

The IFJ has published a set of recommendations for media and unions to take action, including the setting up of workplace procedures, training on digital security or lobbying online platforms for enhanced notice and take down measures.

One other key aspect is to ensure national legislations be amended to outlaw harassment and violence in the world of work, including online.

This can be done by ratifying ILO Convention 190 on harassment and violence at work as well as recommendation 206, which the IFJ is lobbying for. 

Twenty-one countries in the world have ratified this Convention and many countries that call themselves democracies have failed to do so. We urge governments to ratify Convention 190 and its recommendation 206 as unique instruments to tackle violece against women in the world of work. We cannot sit in silence when so many of our female colleagues receive abuse online and offline for doing their job. It is a matter of public interest to ensure solid laws eradicate violence at work. And journalists badly need them“, said IFJ President Dominique Pradalie.

Times: Premier League rights as political tool

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photo: canva/IJAS

The London Times said that the Premier League took money from the state-owned Telekom Serbia and turned a blind eye to a crackdown on the media by the Serbian authorities.

“Serbia’s state-backed broadcaster is using TV rights to the Premier League as part of a political campaign to crush independent media and silence opposition in the country, according to government critics,” the daily said and recalled the Telekom Serbia paid 100 million Euro a season for Premier League broadcast rights for the western Balkans, roughly ten times what the previous rights holder paid three years earlier. It quoted senior figures in Serbian politics and opposition media who alleged that the fee makes no economic sense and is politically motivated.

The United Group, a rival provider controlled by Southampton owner Dragan Solak, says that Telekom is using its Premier League access to force United Group, which offers Serbia’s only non-state controlled news output, out of the market —an illegal act under Serbian and EU laws on competition and media ownership. Campaigners say it is part of an attempt by the government to eliminate opposition voices. The allegations raise questions over how much diligence was done by the Premier League into a bid that was so clearly above the market value.

“Doesn’t the Premier League have a corporate principle about dealing with a dodgy guy who has a big pocket and no morals?” Dragica Pilipovic, a senior figure at United Group, told The Times. “The league’s only concern is that the next time around, there will be no competition in the bidding because Telekom will have destroyedthe competition. Next bid, Telekom will offer much, much less money. That’s their most realistic concern. Until then, the Premier League couldn’t care less.”

In October, Telekom announced that it would be handing its valuable English football rights, without charge, to a private broadcaster with close links to the ruling Serbian Progressive Party and the country’s autocratic president, Aleksandar Vucic. The broadcaster then hit United Group with an extortionate carriage fee. Critics say it was part of an attempt to undermine United Group and its output, using the Premier League as a political tool.“No broadcaster in the world paid as much as Telekom relative to the number of potential viewers in their market,” Pilipovic said. “There is no wayto recoup this investment. When you look at what they paid for those rights, it made no sense economically. But politically, it made perfect sense. The only sense that it made is to kill us.”

“It is a tool for attracting subscribers, but it is not for business or economic reasons,” said Rasa Nedeljkov of Crta, which works to counter threats to democracy and free media in Serbia. “It is purely political. It is for beating up United Group and their broadcasting of the only available independent media. “Telekom have been campaigning to force United Group out of the market for years, because they provide the only voices in our whole media spectrum that are different from the media-censored messages. At present, Telekom have about 50 per cent of the TV broadcastmarket. The way Telekom are using their Premier League rights is an extremely important part of that attack.”

President Vucic has long prized the political rewards offered by control of Serbia’s airwaves. As minister of information under the former president Slobodan Milosevic, he curated the information that reached the Serbian people during the Kosovo crisis in the 1990s, when Milosevic’s regime engaged in ethnic cleansing against the former Serb province’s Albanian population.A media watchdog calculated that between December 2020 and April 2021, Vucic racked up 50 hours of screen time in Serbia, 85 per cent of it positive. Serbia is ranked 93rd by the World Press Freedom Index, with the state’s ownership of Telekom and indirect control of other private media one of the principal causes of that low ranking.“According to our media laws, the state should have no ownership of any media,” Tamara Filipovic, of Serbia’s national union of journalists, said. “Instead, the state via Telekom is expanding through the media. It is against the law. That the rights to the Premier League were given for free by Telekom to a private broadcaster, it doesn’t make sense. Why would you share something you bought for such a huge amount with some commercial TV station? It’s a political manoeuvre to push out United Group’s channels.”

In May 2021, a leaked Telekom document referred to thecompany’s intention to end the business operations of United Group and to install the state provider as “the sole provider of content with domination of the market”. Any such move would defy competition law in the country.Vucic also stands accused of “political manoeuvring” by openly encouraging people to leave United Group’s provider. United Group and Crta claim this amounts to illegal inference.United Group also alleges that Telekom has been seeking to sabotage its operation, including setting up kiosks outside United Group’s high-street shops offering legal advice to customers on how to get out of their United Group subscriptions. Crta makes the claim that state pressure is being put on property developers to only allow Telekom subscriptions in their residential buildings. United Group also accuses the state of illegally targeting it with bogus labour inspections and punitive taxes.“Telekom’s attack on United Group can have a significant impact on Serbia’s hope of having a free media,” Filipovic said. “All other channels are extremely close to the ruling party. The media scene here is ruined. But it can get even worse.”

Both Telekom and the Premier League declined to comment.

How AI can help analyze women’s representation in the news

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photo: canva

From automating content production to assisting fact-checking efforts, artificial intelligence (AI) has become more widely used in journalism in recent years. The opportunities that algorithms offer media organizations have become clearer along the way.

Among them, AI technologies can play a role in improving women’s representation in the news. The Financial Times’ bot, She said He said, was one of the first examples of this. Introduced in 2018, it helped the London-based newsroom identify the diversity of sources within its reporting.

News organizations around the world have similarly leveraged AI technologies in a variety of ways to help them analyze and identify biases in their reporting, detect hate speech against women, and more.

Here are some examples.

 

Analyzing biases in media

Sahiti Sarva, an engineer specializing in using data science to understand policy, co-authored a visual essay with Leonardo Nicoletti in 2021 examining the nature of women’s representation in news reporting, titled When Women Make Headlines. Sarva and Nicoletti’s team analyzed more than 10 years worth of headlines from the top 50 publications in India, the U.S., the U.K. and South Africa for the project.

Sarva explained their approach at a virtual workshop hosted by London School of Economics’ JournalismAI initiative earlier this year: “We scraped all of the headlines tagged with 20 keywords synonymous with women, girl, female, and so on, and that gave us about 382,139 English news headlines.”

[Read more: New initiative pushes for artificial intelligence innovation in newsrooms]

This was, of course, a lot of data. “You think AI is going to make it easier,” Sarva said in an interview for this article. But before one can start applying any algorithm, there’s much work to do. Namely, cleaning, removing useless words, and finding the right code packages to use. Oftentimes, she said, “you need to be creative on what data you are going to use.”

“We went ahead and created our own dictionaries that calculate something called gender bias in headlines,” Sarva explained at the JournalismAI workshop. “[This included] a combination of gendered language like actress, daughter, wife, along with behavioral and social stereotypes around gender, like emotional support and care.”

Once the team had these dictionaries, they used a machine learning method called “sentiment analysis” to understand what it looks like when women make headlines. “We found that the story — when women make headlines — is often very sensational. A lot more sensational than regular headlines that we read and, over time, the number has only gone up. This could probably be because when women make headlines the story is twice as likely to be violent than empowering,” Sarva said.

 

Monitoring misogynistic discourse

As public figures, women are frequently the target of attacks on social media. Who are the perpetrators? Journalists from Brazil’s AzMina, Argentina’s La Nación, and Latin America’s CLIP and DataCrítica turned to AI to find out. 

Together, they developed a web application to uncover hate speech against women on Twitter. “Aware of the escalation of hate speech, particularly against women, our project wants to be able to quickly and assertively monitor when any of these misogynistic attacks is initiated by a politician,” said AzMina’s Bárbara Libório at the same JournalismAI workshop.

The attacks, the app found, came from politicians in particular, among other public figures. “[This] initiated the real waves of hate speech,” Libório explained, “because their supporters decided to attack these women at a higher rate.”

[Read more: How to improve your coverage of working-class women]

If you want a model to detect misogynistic messages, she continued, the AI technology must learn what hate speech against women is. As the first step in the process, Libório’s team created a database of examples, marking tweets as misogynistic or not. 

Once the AI learned this process, her team evaluated how effective it was at identifying hate speech against women. They created a scoring system, testing it in Portuguese and Spanish.

With their model ready, they created a web application to help users analyze text and files. Libório hopes they can share their prototype with other initiatives that want to map gender violence on social media.

 

A starting point

“AI technologies can be of great help to support journalists to do their jobs better,” said Sabrina Argoub, program manager at JournalismAI. When it comes to women’s representation in news, she said, AI can be used to enhance transparency and accountability, while raising awareness. The AIJO project, which compares the rate at which men and women, respectively, are quoted in articles or depicted in visual news, is one example.

AI isn’t a cure-all, however, Argoub noted. Buy-in from newsrooms and journalists alike is necessary to realize true progress on the matter. 

“It’s good to keep in mind that the machine can provide the data and help review how well or not we’re doing,” she said. “To take action, the starting point and the intention to tackle women’s underrepresentation in news need to come from newsrooms and journalists themselves.”

European Media Freedom Act needs a Balkan focus

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The candidate countries for EU membership must be fully in line with the European Media Freedom Act, which in the meantime needs improving, writes Antoaneta Nikolova.

Antoineta Nikolova is the director of the Balkan Free Media Initiative.

For many years, the focus of non-governmental organisations fighting for media freedom, human rights and the rule of law was away from Europe. For activists and donors, Europe, compared to authoritarian states on other continents, was a place where media freedom was taken for granted.

Seven of the top 10 places in the Reporters Without Borders media freedom index are European countries. And yet, in the last few years, it was in Europe that we witnessed a severe erosion of the media ecosystem.

In Poland, Hungary, Greece and Bulgaria, which hit the bottom of EU countries in the Reporters Without Borders Index for several years in a row, the media environment is seriously threatened, and in Slovakia and Malta, journalists were killed because of their work. The signal to the European institutions was more than evident.

“The media are essential for the functioning of our democratic societies and economies,” says the European Commission’s draft European Media Freedom Act, presented on 16 September.

The draft document sets specific goals: to harmonise national legislative frameworks, to protect the public from harmful content, including from third countries (i.a., Russia, China, etc.), to reduce the risk of state and private interference in editorial policy, as well as to ensure transparent, fair ad allocation and verified criteria of people metric agencies.

This is commendable and timely, but not enough.

Media ownership coverage rules, for example, are discretionary and voluntary.

For oligarchs in Eastern Europe, it’s like “nothing changes if nothing changes”. The total control over the media in the Balkans happened precisely thanks to the hidden media ownership, and if Europe expects them to give up their tools of influence voluntarily, then the media law will remain in the decorative sphere of wishful thinking. The same goes for advertising models and people metrics agencies, which are vital to the existence of free information and targeted advertising that most media need to survive.

Media ownership is at the core of power capture.

Media freedom cannot be solved if media ownership is not regulated.

The media in the Balkans are suffocated by the grip of political players whose hands are the “bread and the knife”. For a brief reference, it is enough to look at the analyses for the proxy owners in Bulgaria and North Macedonia, for example.

Paradoxically, countries, where the media environment is in critical condition have been more receptive to welcoming the document than champions of media freedom. That in itself is worrying.

The main objections to the proposed media law have come from the Baltic countries, which are considered successful enough that there is no need for Europe to meddle with them and intrude into their sovereign legislations. For Sweden, many elements to harmonise laws do not even exist in their national laws, and Estonia rates its media as healthy enough not to need a remedy.

Media freedom organisations also have mixed feelings.

EU Disinfo Lab, e.g. believes that Article 17 of the draft law could undo much of the progress made in the fight against disinformation and pave the way for further lobbying for the total exemption of the media from media content moderation.

Such objections led the EC to extend the consultation period until the end of the year. Until then, the relevant parties can express their positions, which so far timidly expressed.

For the EU member states from the Balkans, the responsibility is even more significant because their evaluations will be essential for the candidate countries for membership.

The EU must ensure that the new media law can have a positive impact in acceding countries where the deterioration of media freedom is a growing problem. In the Balkans, for example, leading media spewing misinformation undermines attitudes towards the EU in favour of Russia and China.

This is everyday life in Serbia, which has yet to progress on its 2020 media strategy or alignment with the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy. In fact, civil society groups and MEPs are now concerned as Serbia appears poised to grant all five of its national TV licenses to pro-Russian and pro-government media outlets.

First of all, the EU should oppose Serbia’s non-transparent process for granting these licenses.

Equally important for long-term stability, the EU should make the alignment of local legislation with European media law a condition for progress in accession negotiations and freeze funding if clear progress is not made. A free media is the cornerstone of democracy, and the EU must find a way to use its new law to support its neighbours where democracy is under threat.

Albania: Media pluralism and transparency concerns fuel deterioration in media freedom

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photo: canva

Capture of media by vested business and political interests suffocates journalism

Following a two-day fact-finding mission to Tirana on 17-18 November 2022, the partners of the Council of Europe’s Platform on Safety of Journalists today publish their findings on press freedom, media pluralism and the safety of journalists in Albania.

During the visit the organisations met with the journalists association, editors and journalists, government officials, members of parliament, the prime minister, judicial authorities, police, the privacy and information agency, the media regulator, the press council, NGOs and the public broadcaster.

Our assessment is that overall Albania continues to experience a deterioration in media freedom. While the legal framework remains generally adequate, no progress has been made in recent years in improving the environment for independent and watchdog journalism or media pluralism.

Some positive developments can be noted. The delegation was informed during a meeting that the Conference of Chairpersons of the parliament voted to officially withdraw the so-called anti-defamation package from the parliament’s agenda on 15 November 2022. A parliamentary vote is due to take place in a matter of weeks. This legislative proposal to register and regulate online media hung like a sword of Damocles over the media market for nearly three years and would have had damaging consequences if passed.

We applaud the willingness of the government to heed the concerns of international institutions, organisations and the journalistic community who opposed the law, as well as the broader willingness to implement international standards on media freedom and freedom of expression, in particular of Council of Europe, including the Venice Commission, and the European Union on other matters related to media freedom.

We also welcome the increase in the number of press conferences organised by the Prime Minister since the COVID-19 pandemic, which have provided journalists with more opportunities to directly ask questions on matters of public interest. In the area of transparency, our organisations also welcome the recent ratification and entry into force ratification of the 2005 Council of Europe Convention on Access to Official Documents.

The work of police in swiftly investigating attacks on journalists and applying disciplinary measures for cases involving law enforcement officers is also welcome. Information the delegation received about initiatives for the training of police officers on the role and rights of journalists is also encouraging. Our organisations also welcome the increase in both the number and quality of state responses to alerts involving threats to media freedom on the Council of Europe’s Platform for the Safety of Journalists.

Despite these encouraging steps, the overwhelming perception of media representatives the delegation met with was that the climate for free and independent reporting was worsening in Albania. This perception is reflected by the increase in the number of media freedom alerts posted to the Platform, including attacks on journalists, discrediting rhetoric by politicians and concerns over the restrictive climate for access to information.

However, the root cause of many of the threats to independent journalism in Albania continues to be the capture of significant parts of the media environment by vested business interests. These media owners, many of whom have cross ownership in key state-regulated industries reliant on public tenders, systematically use their media assets to serve their own private or political agendas rather than the public interest. Concentration of media under the control of such business groups has intensified in recent years.

The result is that direct interference of media owners in editorial independence is high and certain sensitive issues or topics are considered off limits for journalists. These ownership practices have long undermined public trust in media integrity and lead to chronic self-censorship within the journalistic community and a lack of quality investigative reporting.

In the field of media regulation, politicised appointments to the Audio-visual Media Authority (AMA) continue to pose serious questions over the body’s independence. Major concerns also persist over the underfunding of the public broadcaster Radio Televizioni Shqiptar (RTSH).

One of the most pressing issues for daily journalistic work continues to be the lack of transparency and access to information. Reporters are regularly ignored when seeking information or comment from public authorities and officials. Across all levels of government, journalists still face barriers in posing questions or properly scrutinising those in power.

Journalists said that while the new Media and Information Agency (MIA) has resulted in some increase in public comment from ministers and public officials on some issues, overall the authority has overseen a tightening of control over information in what was an already a highly challenging environment. The delegation also heard from journalists that decisions by the Data and Information Commissioner on requests for public interest documents via Freedom of Information (FOI) complaints are not dealt with as efficiently as before.

Meanwhile, the office of the Prime Minister continues to use its own communication apparatus to distribute pre-packaged written and audio-visual content to the media. The Prime Minister’s own communication channel, Edi Rama Television (ERTV), continues to broadcast conversations featuring soft-ball questions to the PM and other politicians. This communication strategy bypasses journalists and shields authorities from challenging questions. The same practice is employed by the mayor of Tirana, whose closely curated content dominates television screens, shapes news coverage and bypasses journalistic scrutiny.

The safety of journalists continues to be an issue. While serious physical assaults remain rare, recent cases of violence against journalists underscore the threats media professionals face due to their work. Delays in efforts to bring those responsible for attacks to justice results in impunity.

Efforts by high-profile political figures to discredit and denigrate critical journalists continue. While the use of aggressive and insulting language by the Prime Minister against the media has decreased, the act of telling some journalists who ask challenging questions that they need to undergo so-called “re-education”, accompanied by unilateral bans from attending press conferences, have proven even more damaging. While the PM described these comments as humour during a meeting, the professional consequences for journalists given the label have been serious.

While prison sentences for defamation were repealed in 2012, defamation and insult remain criminal offences punishable by a fine. A case on the Platform involving a defamation lawsuit filed against a journalist by the former chief prosecutor of Tirana over his reporting on her vetting process is a worrying example of how these laws continue to be abused by powerful figures aiming to silence watchdog journalism.

Self-censorship among journalists is a systemic challenge exacerbated by poor working conditions and labour rights for media professionals. Low pay and professional instability leave journalists vulnerable to pressure from media owners.

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The delegation was composed of representatives from ARTICLE 19, the Committee to Protect Journalists, the European Broadcasting Union, the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom, the European Federation of Journalists, the International Press Institute and Reporters Without Borders.

Defamation lawsuit against Serbian investigative media outlet KRIK sets a dangerous precedent

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Foto: N1

KRIK will contest the verdict in the Appellate Court

This story is based on original coverage by Meta.mk. An edited version is republished here under a content-sharing agreement between Global Voices and the Metamorphosis Foundation. 

Just a few days before receiving the EU Award for Investigative Journalism in Serbia 2022, the Serbian investigative media outlet KRIK was sentenced in a SLAPP defamation lawsuit by a Serbian court for publishing news about a criminal trial, quoting the defendant’s claim that a criminal gang had ties to the Interior Minister.

SLAPP suits, short for strategic lawsuits against public participation, also known as intimidation lawsuits or strategic litigation against public participation, are lawsuits intended to censor, intimidate, and silence critics by burdening them with the cost of a legal defense until they abandon their criticism or opposition.

Media freedom organizations, such as the Journalists’ Association of SerbiaInternational Press InstituteEuropean Federation of Journalists (EFJ)Coalition for Media Freedoms and SEE Check Network, as well as lawyers and opposition politicians, expressed concern or outright condemned the verdict. Independent media outlets Danas, N1, Nova, Cenzolovka, Glas Šumadije, JUGpress, Autonomija and Žiginfo expressed their solidarity by republishing the KRIK article that was the subject of the court case initiated in May 2021.

Meta.mk spoke to KRIK journalist Milica Vojinović, the author of the article and recipient of numerous professional awards including the CEI SEEMO Award for Outstanding Merits in Investigative Journalism 2021. She explained the importance of this case in an email statement:

The verdict sentencing KRIK for defamation, i.e. injuring the honor and reputation of Bratislav Gašić, the recent director of the Security Intelligence Agency (BIA) and current minister, represents a very dangerous precedent for journalists in Serbia: namely, this is the first instance where news reporting from a trial has led to being sued and now sentenced. Gašić was mentioned during  that trial in a context with criminals. Even though, during our trial, the  judge determined that we have accurately reported what had happened, she still convicted us because the information, and our additional truthful explanation, allegedly injured Gašić. She even stressed that the fact that Gašić is a state official represents  an aggravating  circumstance for us! In a democratic state the situation should be reverse; public officials need to be more susceptible to criticism than other citizens.

Bratislav Gašić has held the post of minister of internal affairs of the Republic of Serbia since October 26. He is one of the founding members of the ruling Serbia Progressive Party (SNS), and was its vice president from 2012 to 2016. He also held the offices of mayor of Kruševac (2012–14) and minister of defence from 2014 to 2016. He was fired from that post after his public sexist insult towards a female journalist caused a scandal. About year later he was appointed the head of the Security Intelligence Agency (BIA). After his recent appointment as interior minister, he was also appointed as a member of the government’s new gender equality body.

According to Reporters without Borders Press Freedom Index 2021, journalists in Serbia “are threatened by political pressures and impunity of crimes committed against them.” Vojinović said that the consequences of this verdict against KRIK can further deteriorate the already worrisome level of media freedoms in the country.

This decision is very dangerous because it creates an atmosphere in which journalists would be concerned that they can suffer similar consequences like KRIK for their daily reporting from the courts or other public events, even though they would faithfully inform the public about what has transpired. This can lead to self-censorship by journalists, and further suffocation of the freedom of media, reducing the opportunities for citizens to receive important information.

Another important fact about this case is that the judge Nataša Petričević Milisavljević has admitted to having close ties with Minister of Labor Nikola Selaković, an important member of the ruling party SNS, affiliated with plaintiff Gašić.

Within her judgement the judge listed very contradictory reasons for her sentence, practically accepting only the arguments brought out against KRIK. Editor-in-chief of KRIK Stevan Dojčinović explained that:

 [The verdict] does not question the veracity of the wiretapped conversation that the journalists published; it is also claimed that journalists have the right to explain things to their readers — but at the same time the KRIK’s editor and its journalist were convicted precisely because they explained to the readers the meaning of the expression “on the cauldron” that was used in the said conversation. The more scandalous part of the verdict is that the fact that Bratislav Gašić is an official is taken as an aggravating circumstance against the journalists — instead of being the other way around.

KRIK announced that it will contest the verdict by filing an appeal in the Appellate Court. While hoping that the damning verdict will be overturned, KRIK journalists also announce that they intend to continue their work of professional reporting and to continue investigating organized crime and corruption in all important actors, including those who had already sued them.

At the moment KRIK is fighting 11 lawsuits, including the one by Gašić. Most of these procedures started before December 2021, when several media freedom organizations, including Article 19, EFJ and European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), warned that the wave of SLAPP lawsuits against KRIK have chilling effect on media freedom in Serbia. Initiated by powerful figures close to the Serbian ruling party SNS, these procedures are cumulative, requesting over RSD 90 million (more than USD 800,000)  in damages — three times more than the media outlet’s annual budget.

AJK strongly condemns the attack on the cameraman, Jetmir Muji, in the north of Mitrovica

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The cameraman of “Insajderi” portal, Jetmir Muji, was physically assaulted this morning in northern Mitrovica by a group of local Serbs, while he was filming for a TV story.

According to this media, Muji together with the journalist, Visar Duriqi, were in the north to conduct a story, when they saw a young man being put into a car by several people. When Muji filmed this event, he was attacked by these people and ended up in the Emergency Hospital in the south of Mitrovica.

AJK expresses its concerns and is shocked by this attack and at the same time invites the Kosovo Police to urgently investigate the case and identify the persons responsible for this attack.