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DZNAP has published a list of journalists with the highest number of downloaded articles and radio and TV reports in 2022.

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Hands off my tags! Michael Gaida / Pixabay

April 19, 2023 – The list of 200 journalists, members of the Society for the Protection of Copyright, whose articles were most downloaded by clients of press clipping agencies in Croatia in 2022, can be downloaded here (.PDF, 262 KB).

You can download the list of 40 radio and TV journalists with the highest number of downloaded reports in 2022 at this link.

We will make the payments after the list is approved by the regular annual Assembly of the Society for the Protection of Journalistic Rights and a decision on distribution is made. The Assembly will take place soon, and we will invite and inform the members of the Society about the topics we will discuss through a special invitation that will be sent to them by email.

Therefore, we invite new members to enter their email address, as well as existing members to update their email address if they have changed it here. If you have changed the account number to which we will pay you compensation (it no longer has to be a current account), you can update it by email.

Weaponizing GDPR: How EU data protection threatens press freedom in Greece

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photo: canva

The instrumental use of EU data protection threatens press freedom in Greece. The case of journalist Stavroula Poulimeni and the independent media outlet Alterthess, sentenced in the first instance to pay compensation of 3,000 euros to Efstathios Lialos, executive of the Hellas Gold gold mine

At the end of March, journalist Stavroula Poulimeni and the independent media outlet Alterthess were ordered in first instance to pay compensation of EUR 3,000 to Greek gold mine executive Efstathios Lialos.

According to the ruling, Poulimeni violated the executive’s privacy by writing his name and position in a 2020 article about Lialos’ conviction for environmental pollution in Halkidiki, northern Greece.

The sum is considerably less than the EUR 100,000 requested by Lialos, but at stake, according to Poulimeni, is a question of journalistic freedom. In a statement, Alterthess referred to the verdict as a ‘blow to press freedom’, and expressed the intention to appeal against the court’s decision. ‘Personal #DataProtection doesn’t justify suppressing info vital to public interest’, Reporters Without Borders stated in a tweet  .

In the interview that follows, Poulimeni spoke to OBC Transeuropa about her experience as an independent journalist in crisis-ravaged Greece and her reporting on environment degradation in Halkidiki, and explained why the verdict against her threatens the right of the public to be informed.

OBC Transeuropa: What is the professional path that led you to co-found the independent news outlet Alterthess in the middle of the economic crisis?

I’ve been a journalist since 2008. In 2011, with a group of people – not only journalists – we decided to establish an investigative, independent and collaborative media project in Thessaloniki. We called it Alterthess, because it told stories from an ‘alternative’ Thessaloniki. We cover grassroots initiatives, social issues, human rights, migration, the rights of the  LGBTQIA+ community, and we are outspoken against racism. 

When we started, the economic crisis was in full swing, Greece had entered the first ‘Memorandum’ and the European ‘Troika’ had been established in the country. A lot of protests and demonstrations were taking place against austerity measures, but the mainstream media lacked independent analysis. We decided to try and fill this gap, and invested all our energies into Alterthess. The outlet is well connected with local movements and groups, but it’s hard to survive financially. We are trying to gather support from our readers, as we don’t have state funding to rely on.

How did you grow interested in environmental issues, and when did you start reporting on the mining project in Skouries?

I have been covering environmental topics for twelve years now. There are many stories to be told, especially since the wave of privatisations invested public resources such as water, forests, etc.

Alterthess reported on the mining project – and the struggle against it – from the very start. I have been to Skouries many times. There are no trees now, and mining infrastructure has been built. But for many years, protests have been taking place against the project, facing state suppression, police attacks and legal battles. We covered the story from different angles – economical, social, psychological, and, of course, environmental – and we are deeply connected to the local protest movement, even though in the last years it has grown progressively weaker.

You and Alterthess were the target of a vexatious lawsuit connected to your work in Skouries. How did it happen?

On 27 October 2020, two high-ranking executives of Hellas Gold [The company, owned by Canadian Eldorado Gold, which is working on mining development in Skouries], were convicted in the first instance on water pollution charges. On the same day, I wrote an article about it in Alterthess, and nothing happened.

One year later, in September 2021, the conviction was confirmed, and I wrote about it again. The following month, after the second conviction, a lawsuit  initiated by Efstathios Lialos, one of the two executives, was notified to us. The lawsuit referred to the article I had written in 2020, after the first conviction, and was based on an alleged violation of GDPR, the EU’s General Data Protection Regulation: in my article, I had reported the convicted executives’ names.

What was your first reaction when you received the lawsuit?

In a way, I was surprised. Firstly, my article dated back to the previous year; secondly, it did not include any false information, nor did it contain any comment. It merely reported what had happened in court; thirdly, the lawsuit did not require us to take down the article, but asked me and Alterthess to pay EUR 100,000 as compensation for illegal processing of personal data related to a criminal conviction.

On the other hand, what happened was not completely unexpected. While the lawsuit against us came from an individual, we knew that companies use legal threats to silence critical reporting. In Greece, private actors usually resort to advertising as a tool to obtain favourable coverage or not be subjected to journalistic scrutiny. When this is not enough, they resort to legal threats.

What were the consequences of the lawsuit on your job and personal life? 

Facing a SLAPP is extremely draining. You have to deal with legal matters on a daily basis, and this has both a psychological and an economic impact. For a long time, you cannot be completely focused on your work. We received the lawsuit in October 2021, and the discussion in court only took place in May 2022. For months, we have been waiting and preparing for the trial. During the time we were waiting for the verdict, we felt a lot of anxiety.

We tried not to be discouraged, and started to publish several articles on the subject of SLAPPs and intimidation of journalists. This is more than just a personal matter: SLAPPs have consequences on public interest reporting in general, because in the future, journalists might be afraid of writing about certain issues.

What has been the reaction of fellow journalists and institutions to the lawsuit against you? Have you received support and solidarity from society at large?

When we received the lawsuit, we didn’t know what a SLAPP was, and neither did Greek journalists’ unions. Only later, when we started spreading the word about the issue, we found out that other journalists had been targets of such lawsuits too. International organisations such as the International Press Institute (IPI), Amnesty International and the European Centre for Press & Media Freedom (ECPMF) had more experience; they issued announcements and supported us from the very first day.

As for institutions, our case was raised in the European Parliament by SYRIZA MP Kostas Arvanitis, and there were statements and parliamentary questions in the Greek Parliament as well. However, it was the solidarity of common people and grassroots movements in Skouries and elsewhere that showed us that people recognized the importance of our public interest reporting.

The Greek mainstream media, on the contrary, did not support us much, and this is a problem. As said, I think there is a problem of financial interests exerting control on the media narrative.

The first instance verdict partly upheld Lialos’s complaint that his privacy had been unfairly violated. What are the implications of this ruling?

Our case is quite unusual because it has to do with data protection. If confirmed, a ruling against us could trigger a new wave of prosecutions weaponizing GDPR regulations to inhibit public interest journalism and its ability to call things – and people – by their names. The true stake is not the money we are being asked to pay, but the right of the public to be informed. 

You hinted at systemic problems in the Greek media landscape. How has the situation evolved over the last few years, and how do SLAPPs fit into the wider picture of declining press freedom in Greece?

The problem of press freedom in Greece has deep roots. It is a complex issue, which also has to do with the economic situation: many media outlets were shut down during the crisis, fellow journalists were laid off, and still today most media workers struggle to make ends meet.

In many respects, things have gotten worse in recent years, not only because of SLAPPs. It is a widespread perception among journalists that private and government actors can more often and easily attack press freedom compared to a few years ago.

The wiretapping scandal has uncovered a worrying surveillance network, but also part of the picture are the frequent police attacks on journalists and photojournalists at demonstrations, and the character assassination on social media, especially against colleagues who cover migration issues and are portrayed as “foreign agents”.

The good news, and hopefully also a turning point, is that the debate on press freedom in Greece has finally opened.

The Media Committee initiates the process of selecting four members of the Programming Council of HRT

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The mandates of the President and three members of the Programming Council of the Croatian Radiotelevision (HRT) are expiring in July, so the parliamentary Committee on Information and Media will on Thursday determine the text of the public call for the selection of four members of that body.

The mandates are expiring for the President of the Council, Zdravka Kedža, and members Lidija Gašparović, Ivica Lučić, and Zorislav Lukić.

In March 2021, the Croatian Parliament elected seven members of the HRT Programming Council for a four-year term: Vlaho Bogišić, Nikola Baketa, Ozana Ramljak, Đemal Bratić, Robert Markt, Ivica Lučić, and Zorislav Lukić, with the last two having a shortened, two-year term, expiring in July.

Namely, in the Public call for the selection of seven members of the Council from 2020, it was stipulated that five members would be appointed for four years, and two for two years. The draw at the session of the HRT Programming Council in March 2021 determined that it would be Lučić and Lukić.

The HRT Programming Council, which represents and protects the public interest, has 11 members, nine of whom are elected by the Parliament, and two by the creative staff of HRT. The mandate of the President and members of the Council lasts for four years, and every two years, half of its members are appointed. The same person can be elected as a member of the HRT Council a maximum of two times.

Serbia: Impunity continues for assassination attempt on journalist Dejan Anastasijević

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No one ever held accountable for placing bomb on window of journalist’s apartment in 2007

This article, republished by IPI, was written by Serbian journalist and IPI World Press Freedom Hero Veran Matić, chair of Serbia’s Commission for the Investigation of Murders of Journalists


It’s Easter again, a holiday that I associate more with the murder of Slavko Ćuruvija than with a family holiday. Eight years after Ćuruvijas murder in 1999, the journalist Dejan Anastasijević was a guest on the show “Kažiprst” on TV B92. He was talking about the unsolved murder of Ćuruvija, but also about the crimes of the paramilitary formation “Scorpions”.

On 14 April 2007, at 2:45 a.m, an assassination attempt was made against Anastasijević and his family. Judging by the enthusiasm of the politicians who in the following days condemned this attempted murder, demanding immediate identification and prosecution of the perpetrators, it seemed as if it was only a matter of days and hours before this would happen. However, this did not happen. Not at all.

At the recent conclusion of the appeal trial for the murder of journalist Slavko Ćuruvija, the defence attorney for the accused Radomir Marković claimed in his closing words that I personally had formulated the indictment against Marković and others, in order to diminish the NATO bombing of Serbia and thus protect those responsible for that crime.

In the courtroom, in those few hours, one could feel the polarisation, between “patriots” – them, and “traitors” – us. Those who, they claimed did their job honourably, pursuing those of us who were allegedly “meeting with foreign spies, receiving foreign money, undermining the country”. Those who only committed crimes as a patriotic duty, and those of us who, according to them, had no understanding for their “patriotic” evil deeds. Those who, they claimed, only deviated slightly from their professional rules, killing political opponents, and those of us who think that these are horrific crimes…

It became clear why it had been so difficult to complete the investigation into the murder of Slavko Ćuruvija. For the same reasons why the assassins and those who ordered the murder of Dejan Anastasijević have never been found.

The system is defended by the network of the State Security Service, which has remained very active, integrated into all state and parallel state institutions, in the criminal world and in the political parties.

Since there was no progress in the investigation, Dejan himself came out with his own investigation and the article “Who put the bombs on my window?” Reading this text, I decided to ask the police how the investigation was really conducted. The file on this failed assassination is kept as the “Hadžija” case.

In his appearance on t“Kažiprst” talk-show on Radio B92 with Danica Vučenić, Dejan spoke about the fact that there were no new details on this case. He also spoke about various other topics, such as the minimum punishments given to members of the Scorpion paramilitary group, and about the anniversary of the murder of Slavko Ćuruvija.

Looking into the investigation, I had the same feeling as in the cases of journalists Milan Pantić and Slavko Ćuruvija, that the investigation had been conducted without any enthusiasm to really solve the case. In the files are many well-described characters, but practically they were there only as a necessity to check off yet another part of the investigation.

In this case as well, as in the case of Milan Pantić, the Minister of Police Dragan Jočić glorified the investigation and trivialised the case. In the case of the murder of Milan Pantić, he stated that the journalist was not supposed to have been killed, but only intimidated. However, there is no evidence for such a claim anywhere in the investigation files. In the case of Dejan Anastasijević, Jočić talks about the 600 witnesses examined, but this only covers up the failure of the investigation, ie. the lack of determination to solve the case.

Another minister, Dragan Kojadinović, claimed that the problem was that the journalist lived on the ground floor, so that it was easy for the two bombs to be on his windowsill (this was also said on Antonela Riha’s TV show Poligraf).

None of the main suspects from Dejan’s investigation were interrogated: The paramilitary leader and convicted war criminal Vojislav Šešelj, his wife and politician Jadranka Šešelj. The possible link to Dejan Anastasijević’s testimony in the ICTY was not considered, and Dejan’s testimony was included, which even Dejan himself did not know about, in the case against the former head of the State Security Service, Jovica Stanišić.

The DNA that was collected at the scene of the attempted assassination, was later used to eliminate those who were taken into custody, they were also eliminated through the inevitable polygraph testing.

The persons who in those days called the “Vreme” editorial office and asked for Dejan, were first identified, as well as the person who called Dejan’s sister Duška (who also worked in “Vreme”) on her private number, shouting “Go away, go away…” and who claimed that he hadn’t called Duška, but rather the editorial office of the TV entertainment show “Žikina Šarenica”, and another person who had called to ask Dejan if he came from one of the Anastasijević families.

Then there were various reports that an unidentified person was planning to throw a bomb at someone’s car, followed by reports saying that no criminal items were found after locations of implicated people had been searched…

On that day, there had been a fight in the area among a large group of youths, so they were also questioned. Some people boasted that they had thrown a bomb at some journalist, so they were interrogated, and during searches, some explosives and detonators were found. Charges were filed, but they were eliminated as possible perpetrators.

Since Dejan had mentioned the paramilitary group Scorpions, all who could be reached were interviewed, but they did not match the DNA profile, and some of them also passed the polygraph test. Someone sent an anonymous letter accusing one person of planting the bomb, but it was determined that there was no DNA match and he passed the polygraph.

There were several cases in which individuals boasted that they were the perpetrators, but it turned out that they had nothing to do with it. One boasted to his wife that he had planted the bomb and that for this he would receive money to repay his debts.

Persons who had previously used bombs as a means of confrontation were also detained. Some of them reported that someone they knew had a large stash of weapons and the police confiscated these weapons and filed charges, but in all cases, it was determined that they had nothing to do with the assassination attempt.

When Dejan’s article “Who put the bombs on my window?” was published, he was interviewed and it was confirmed that he was revolted by the statement of Police Minister Dragan Jočić that it was difficult to solve his case because the motive for the attack could not be determined.

Dejan explicitly explained his suspicions about “Šešelj’s list”, that Šešelj gave to his wife Jadranka, who then forwarded it to his confidant Petar Panić, whose name was not mentioned in Dejan’s article. As a motive, Dejan stated that people from this list could be uncomfortable witnesses in the proceedings against Šešelj. On this list, in addition to Dejan, was journalist Jovan Dulović, who also testified in The ICTY.

In the article, Dejan also stated that immediately before the assassination attempt, he had received information that, without asking and without his consent, the war crimes prosecution in the ICTY had put him on the list of witnesses in the case against Jovica Stanišić, and that Stanišić’s defence had been given access to this list. This, he said, could be a possible motive for the attack on him, because most of the people who were on the list, according to his knowledge, died under strange circumstances or gave up testifying.

Another questioning took place in the “Padinska Skela” prison with Petar Panić, who was serving a sentence for causing serious bodily harm. It was established that he was not near the place of the assassination and also the DNA did not match. Apart from the conversation with Petar Panić, and the possible link to the trial of Jovica Stanišić, there were no further investigations into “Šešelj’s list”.

According to reports, the investigation into the possible participation of Petar Panić had been done superficially. As a reminder, his violent streak was confirmed when the lawyer Nikola Barović (a lawyer for Branka Prpa in the Slavko Ćuruvija murder trial) was severely beaten after his appearance on BK Television. Panić was convicted as the perpetrator, but even though he was indicted as the instigator, Šeselj was not convicted because in the meantime he had been sent to the ICTY. Talking about this event Šešelj would cynically comment that the lawyer “had slipped on a banana peel”.

The assassination attempt against Dejan Anastasijević is the worst attack on a journalist in Serbia after the murders of Milan Pantić and Slavko Ćuruvija and the unexplained death of Dada Vujasinović.

This happened after the Milošević period, during the time of the democratic government. President Boris Tadić visited the “Vreme” newsroom. Dejan was satisfied with the communication with the police director Milorad Veljović.

However, when you look at the list of actions taken in the investigation over the period of ten years since the assassination attempt, you can see that the expressed political will had no effect on the actual work on the ground. I believe that this was for the same reason as in the case of Slavko Ćuruvija.

It would be invaluable to examine all possibilities to continue the investigation into this assassination attempt, the attempted murder of Dejan and his family. Additional efforts should be made to conduct all interviews and to follow up on all investigative activities that have not been done so far.

On International Press Freedom Day, May 3, the most important awards for journalists, those for investigative journalism will be awarded in the name of Dejan Anastasijević.

The minimum that needs to be done on the 16th anniversary of this assassination attempt is to demonstrate the will and intention to fully investigate it.

Slavko Ćuruvija: impunity of the deep state in the case of murdered journalists in Serbia

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24 years after the murder of journalist Slavko Ćuruvija, the perpetrators are still unpunished in Serbia. Although there is finally progress and hopefully the case will be finally solved, impunity remains widespread

I remember well the murder of Slavko Ćuruvija. At that time, I was working in Prijedor, which is in Republika Srpska, the mainly Serb entity in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Prijedor is one town in Bosnia and Herzegovina where horrible atrocities were committed against non-Serbs and for a long time it was considered a black hole due to the significant presence of war criminals. At that time local residents, especially Serbs, were paying particular attention to what was happening in neighbouring Serbia, since Belgrade continued to exert a very strong influence on the Serb entity.

It is important to remember that the murder of Slavko Ćuruvija dates back to one of the darkest periods of the recent history of Serbia, when the country led by Milosevic, after the years of conflict in neighbouring republics and the internal conflict in its southern province of Kosovo, was facing an international military campaign led by NATO which resulted in 79 days of airstrikes across Serbia and Montenegro. I recall that, even during those dark times, my local colleagues showed disbelief at the news of his murder. Back then, I would never have imagined that, 24 years later, the murder would still be unsolved.

That seems such a long time ago. The world has deeply changed since then, Serbia itself has changed and has become a different country on its path to the EU, which is not free of obstacles and problems, as we all witness every day.

Yet, many things have not changed. Many things have remained stuck in the past and no light has been shed on those. The murder of Slavko Ćuruvija, as well as those of Dada Vujasinović, Milan Pantić, the journalists in Kosovo, certainly fits into this category. Today, 24 years later, there is finally progress and hopefully we will be able to close that chapter soon. Yet, much more progress remains to be made concerning the other cases.

The fact that the perpetrators are still free and that they are part of society clearly indicates that they are enjoying impunity.

But what is impunity? And how can it be defined?

 

Impunity: connecting the dots

In international human rights law, the topic of impunity has often been dealt with in the context of transitional justice, when societies emerge from situations of dictatorship or conflict and they need to address the legacy of extensive human rights violations and crimes that took place during those years. It is exactly in this context that I would place the murders of the journalists and I would rely on tools and principles used in transitional justice to address this issue. I think this is an important point as we cannot separate the fate of the journalists from what was going on at the time in the region and also because part of the work of the journalists was closely related to uncovering crimes or exposing corruption and wrongdoings of those in power at that time.

We will therefore rely on principles and human rights standards that are applicable in situations where a transitional justice approach is helpful. Transitional justice has already been a topic for discussion in the countries of former Yugoslavia. Unfortunately in many cases it is a concept that was misunderstood since it was associated with the unsuccessful truth and reconciliation commission created in Serbia in 2001, which was seriously criticised  for its lack of impartiality, both inside and outside the country. In fact, the existing principles and standards in term of transitional justice would be completely at odds with the approach taken at that time. I will examine those in the next sections.

 

International principles against impunity

Both the UN and the COE level provide a number of tools that are very helpful to unpack this issue.

In particular, at the UN level, there is a whole set of principles  against impunity, the “Updated Set of principles for the protection and promotion of human rights through action to combat impunity”.

Impunity is clearly defined in the UN principles, as “the impossibility, de jure or de facto, of bringing the perpetrators of violations to account – whether in criminal, civil, administrative or disciplinary proceedings – since they are not subject to any inquiry that might lead to their being accused, arrested, tried and, if found guilty, sentenced to appropriate penalties, and to making reparations to their victim”. The UN principles, which are very often referred to in contexts of transitional justice, identify the obligations of states on the basis of the right to know, the right to justice as well as the right to reparations/guarantees of non reoccurrence. Concerning our specific cases, it is in particular the right to justice and the right to know that are of most immediate relevance.

The Council of Europe, in its guidelines to eradicate impunity  for serious human rights violations, recalls the UN principles and further develops those standards based on the existing caselaw of the European Court of Human Rights. In the guidelines, “impunity arises where those responsible for acts that amount to serious human rights violations are not brought to account” and it is “caused or facilitated by the lack of diligent reaction of institutions and state agents to serious human rights violations”. The guidelines state that combating impunity is important from three points of view: as a matter of justice for the victim; as a deterrent against further violations of human rights; as a way of upholding rule of law and creating trust in the public system.

Both documents contain a number of measures and principles to better guide the action of states when eradicating impunity. Those principles regulate issues like the conduct of investigations and the quality of such investigation, but also the right of victims to reparations and the right of the communities to know. In this document, we will focus mostly on those aspects relevant to the investigation and prosecution of perpetrators and we will make reference to other principles when relevant.

 

Effect of impunity for crimes against journalist

The impact of impunity on the freedom of media is devastating. Following the Council of Europe approach, we can easily identify three effects of impunity on freedom of media and journalists. Firstly, the victims and their families are denied the right to justice and reparations and this is the first obvious consequence. Secondly, if such crimes are not punished, there is no longer the deterrence which is the result of criminal sanctions. Perpetrators will feel encouraged to repeat crimes. A further consequence of this lack of accountability is a chilling effect on other journalists and media workers which will legitimately fear for their safety and thus avoid uncovering problematic topics. Thirdly, such impunity will also have an impact on society as a whole, which is deprived of the right to receive information as a result of this chilling effect, and this creates doubts concerning the effectiveness of the public system to deliver justice, undermining thus the rule of law. This is a common scenario today in Serbia, where there has been only a partial reckoning of the past years and where many episodes of the 90s still remain to be clarified.

 

Procedural obligations

As we have seen above, both the UN and COE consider the conduct of an investigation as an important instrument to find the perpetrators and address impunity. This is a key aspect of the process and very relevant to the cases under examination. However, investigations into crimes are also relevant from the point of view of human rights, law since these are part of the procedural obligations of states to investigate certain crimes.

In its jurisprudence, the European Court of Human Rights has concluded that the positive obligation to protect the right to life  needs to be read in conjunction with the state obligation to grant everyone in their jurisdiction the rights and obligations foreseen in the ECHR. Such a positive obligation requires states to put in place effective criminal law provisions that protect the right to life and therefore deter offences against persons. Such criminal law provisions need to be supported by effective law enforcement for the prevention, suppression, and punishment of such crimes.

This implies that, in case of suspicious deaths, states are required to conduct an effective official investigation when individuals have been killed, not only by state agents, but also by unknown perpetrators.

In other words, based on what stated above, an investigation into a murder that is not effective has often been considered by the European Court of Human Rights as a violation of the right to life. It is also worth recalling that in a case against Croatia  , it does not matter whether the murder itself took place before the entry into force of the Convention, as long as the investigation was still open when the Convention entered into force. The obligation to investigate is an ongoing investigation.

 

Standards for an investigation

According to the Principle 19 of the UN Set of Principles, states “shall undertake prompt, thorough, independent and impartial investigations of violations of human rights and international humanitarian law” and later on they should “take appropriate measures in respect of the perpetrators, particularly in the area of criminal justice”. In addition, families and relatives of victims should be granted legal standing in subsequent proceedings. According to the UN Set of Principles, limitations to prescriptions are also justified for the purpose of combating impunity.

Besides the Set of Principles, the case law of the European Court of Human Rights   is quite helpful in defining the standards that an investigation needs to meet in order to comply with the procedural obligations foreseen under the European Convention.

In first place, investigations into murders perpetrated allegedly by or in collusion with state officials need to be started ex officio, they cannot be left to the initiative of the relatives of the victims. Especially in cases of contract killings, i.e. ordered by someone else, the investigation cannot be limited to the hitman, but it needs to identify the intellectual author of the crime, i.e. the one who commissioned it. And this is already a first point which might worth exploring into the case of the murdered journalists. In particular, this becomes even more relevant because when the victim is a journalist, it is of utmost importance for the investigation to check the links between the crime and the professional activity of the victim.

For what concerns the standards of the investigation, four standards become relevant: independence, adequacy, promptness and reasonable expedition, public scrutiny and the participation of the next of kin.

Independence is understood as a lack of independence of those conducting the investigation from those implicated in the events. This needs to be not only a hierarchical or institutional independence, but also a practical independence. There is the need to examine the independence in its entirety and not just an abstract assessment.

Adequacy is understood in the sense that the authorities must take whatever reasonable steps they can to secure the evidence concerning the issue at stake, like testimonies, forensic evidence, autopsy if required. The conclusions must rely on an impartial, thorough, and impartial analysis of all relevant elements, covering all lines of inquiry.

For what concerns promptness, this is a requirement of article 2 itself. The investigation needs to be prompt, to start immediately, and proceed with reasonable expedition: the passage of time affects the quality of the investigation and the chances of it being completed.

For what concerns public scrutiny, there must be sufficient scrutiny into an investigation or its results to secure accountability in practice or in theory. However, the victim’s next of kin need to be involved in the investigation, which however does not mean that the investigative authorities need to satisfy every request of the next of kin.

 

Conclusions

From all the above and without conducting a detailed analysis of the overall case files, two issues at first seem to be relevant from the point of view of the ECHR jurisprudence.

The first is the fact that the investigation in the case of the murder of Slavko Curuvija did not start before 2013, i.e. 14 years after his murder. Serbia ratified the European Convention in 2004, the investigation started almost 10 years later. This gap of almost 10 years appears difficult to justify. It is even more difficult to justify for the other cases where no progress seems to be taking place.

The second is the difficulty in finding the masterminds of such crimes and the fact that the current investigation is covering only the persons who organised and carried out the murders. All evidence seems to point to the political leaders at that time, namely Slobodan Milosevic and his wife Mira Markovic, yet their names are not mentioned at all in the current proceedings, nor they are mentioned in other similar proceedings. This is a very important element to take into account as it shows the limits of the current approach which seeks the prosecution of the state security operatives and of the hitman. The limits of this approach are mostly determined by the context in Serbia where, for instance, even the president of the Commission in charge of investigating the murder of journalist has received death threats  and so did the police officer  leading the investigation.

It is unclear whether prosecution will achieve its goals and whether the public will be able to know all the details surrounding the murder of Slavko Ćuruvija and of the other journalists.

In the case of Daphne Caruana Galizia, the report  on her murder and the relevant lessons learned  suggest an approach that could complement the criminal prosecution and integrate its shortcomings as it would present a wider picture that is not emerging from the current prosecution in Serbia. Drawing again the parallel with transitional justice, where the prosecution of war criminals can easily coexist with truth seeking initiatives like truth commissions, in a similar way a public inquiry could better explain the situation around the murders including the role of the political leadership at that time, while criminal justice would sanction the organisers and perpetrators. A similar commission of inquiry does not exist in today’s Serbia: in my understanding, the existing body like the Commission to investigate the murder of journalists has a different role, i.e. that of facilitating the investigations by the competent authorities while at the same time keeping a form of pressure on them by maintaining the issue alive in Serbia’s society.

The question remains whether such public inquiry is possible. In Malta, the emotions and public frustration together with international pressure were key to generate the momentum that led to the establishment of the public inquiry. More importantly, all developments in Malta took place in the period immediately after the murder. In Serbia the situation appears to be different: while for instance the investigation into the murders of journalists features in the EU progress reports  and there is some international attention, I am personally more sceptical about whether there could be some public pressure on the government to further clarify these issues. Experience tells that public protests, even if frequent, they soon run out of steam and very often the government is simply waiting them out, even in cases where large parts of society are mobilised and NGOs conducted active campaigns. Especially with the current government, it seems difficult to generate the momentum for a tectonic change as it would require to discover the truth about the murder of journalists: in this case, it appears more productive to conduct an intensive, day by day fight for incremental progress in the different investigations.

AJK strongly condemns the brutal attack on journalist Valon Syla – urgent investigations are demanded

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On Tuesday evening, three people physically attacked journalist and the head of Gazeta Metro, Valon Syla. It is reported that they have followed him from the studios of T7, where he was invited as a panelist to a debate show on this television, to Sunny Hill – a neighborhood in Pristina.

Syla received medical treatment at the University Clinical Center of Kosovo, and according to his first statements to the media, he has some head injuries.

The case has been reported to the Kosovo Police.

For the Association of Journalists of Kosovo, this attack against Syla is totally unacceptable and a serious attempt to hinder and weaken the freedom of expression and media in Kosovo.

AJK calls on the competent authorities to immediately take necessary measures to urgently arrest the responsible persons for the attack and bring them to justice.

Last year, almost 1,200 manipulations and disinformation were on the front pages of five newspapers

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Photo: Pixabay.com

During the past year, the newspapers Informer, Alo, Vecernje novosti, Kurir and Srpski telegraf published at least 1,174 manipulative headlines on their front pages, most often in the form of unfounded or biased claims, disinformation or manipulation of facts, according to the latest analysis of Raskrikavanje. This number also suggests that there was an increase in the number of disputed claims on the front pages compared to the year before. At the same time, the companies behind these tabloids received more than 800 thousand euros from public budgets in 2022.

Last year, Informer had the most manipulative news – disinformation, biased or claims for which there was no evidence – as many as 363. It is followed by Srpski telegraf with at least 253, Vecernje novosti with 238, Alo with 198, and Kurir with 122.

The results of the analysis show that last year more manipulations were published on the front pages than the year before. In 2021, Raskrikavanje detected less than 1,000 disputed or incorrect claims on the front pages, including six tabloids (as well as Objektiv, which stopped being published last year).

The reason for this could be the important events that marked the last year. For the tabloids, these events were a “treasure house” of various manipulations – above all, the war in Ukraine and its consequences, the parliamentary and presidential elections in April and the events in Kosovo.

Depending on the period and events, various actors took turns on the front pages, but a few of them stood out in particular. In the first half of the year, we had the opportunity to see opposition leader Dragan Djilas, as well as Vladimir Putin and Volodymyr Zelensky, while in the second half of the year, the Prime Minister of Kosovo, Albin Kurti, often appeared (in a negative context). The only one who continuously appeared throughout the year, almost always in a positive, and sometimes in a neutral context, was Aleksandar Vucic, whose face appeared on the front pages of these five newspapers at least 851 times.

The dominant form of manipulation, as we have noticed, were unfounded headlines for which there was not enough or even no support with evidence and arguments in the text itself. In addition, biased claims in the form of comments, insults or “cheering” at the expense of various actors dominated, which made the tabloids openly take sides. We have recorded several examples of manipulation of facts, as well as disinformation and fake news.

You can read our assessment methodology here.

We did not analyze news from show business and sports, except for the events surrounding the deportation of Novak Djokovic from Australia in early 2022.

Informer war games

The pro-regime tabloid Informer, as detected by Raskrikavanje’s journalists, was the undoubted champion of manipulations on the front pages last year as well – there were at least 363 of them, so more than once a day since 306 issues were published during the year.

The year began with a reckoning with the leaders of the opposition, given that Serbia was expected to hold elections in the spring. We could read articles about “Savo CIA Manojlovic” preparing “bloody riots”, Ponos as a “NATO candidate”, “fake environmentalists”, “haters” and “wretched people” from the opposition. Running a campaign against them, this tabloid often claimed they said something they didn’t – “twisting” other people’s statements was one of the most common forms of manipulation last year in Informer.

At the end of February, Informer opened the era of war manipulations with the now well-known front page which claimed that “Ukraine attacked Russia”, and during the following months, this tabloid wrote about how Putin “trampled” Ukraine, how his “lightning strike” happened and how Ukraine is “begging for mercy” on its knees. The image of the President of Russia appeared 86 times on the front pages.

As the war progressed, the tabloids wrote about the food and energy crisis, but in European countries: “The EU is begging for gas” or “Switzerland – whoever heats the apartment to more than 19 degrees goes to prison”, which we found to be complete disinformation.

This headline also caught our eye: “The world is threatened by a great famine”, immediately followed by the claim that “Serbia has enough food”. By the way, this was the usual narrative of the pro-regime media when it comes to the economic consequences of the war – they are almost starving in the world and everything is under control in Serbia – which Raskrikavanje also wrote about last year in a major analysis of media coverage of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.

In the first half of the year the main villain, like a year before, was Dragan Djilas, whose picture was published at least 32 times in a negative context. In the second half of the year – with the worsening of the crisis in Kosovo – the “batton” was taken over by the Prime Minister of Kosovo, Albin Kurti. His face appeared on the covers of Informer at least 49 times – they called him, among other things, a “ticking time bomb”, “Shiptar scum” and “psychopath from Pristina”.

Reporting on Kosovo was accompanied by frequent announcements of war, especially at the time when the Kosovo government tried to introduce RKS plates. Back then, Raskrikavanje also analyzed what the media propaganda stoking the fire from Belgrade and Pristina looked like.

The word “war” was one of the most frequent on the front pages of this tabloid.

At the same time, the personality cult of President Aleksandar Vucic was carefully maintained, appearing on the front pages 142 times, almost exclusively in a positive context – he prevented announced wars and calmed tensions, “defended Serbia” and “smashed” opponents.

Srpski telegraf “dominated” with Vucic’s photos

Srpski telegraf published at least 253 unfounded, biased and other manipulative claims on its front pages.

The main good guy in this tabloid was, as expected, Aleksandar Vucic, whose photo appeared at least 242 times on the front pages alone – by far the most of any other newspaper. We looked at his face when they quoted him, when they reported on a state visit, when the topic was investments, but also when someone (unsuccessfully) tried to “break” him.

Srpski telegraf showed its support for the president by describing his policy as “wise”, him as a man who leads a “lion’s fight”, “does not know defeat” and “rejects every pressure like a wall”. At the end of the election campaign, he was called “Alexander the Great”, and a day later, an illustration of Vucic as the Terminator was published on the front page, featuring the symbols of Belgrade and cranes on construction sites in the background, with the inscription “MACHINE”.

The narrative that pro-regime tabloids “weave” around Vucic should convince readers not only of his strength but also of his vulnerability. That’s how Srpski telegraf presented him during the last year – as a victim, a man who is “broken by both the East and the West”, who “endures unprecedented pressures” and who is an “on-duty culprit”.

The second record holder for the number of appearances is Vladimir Putin – his photo was published at least 162 times in this tabloid, significantly more often than in other newspapers. Srpski telegraf, unlike the others, changed its approach to reporting on Russia and Putin during the war, which you can read about in a separate analysis.

In addition to having a good guy, every story needs a bad one as well. Last year, it was Albin Kurti whose face appeared on the front pages at least 32 times in Srpski telegraf. They claimed that he was “primitive” and “evil”, and he was repeatedly accused of “wanting war” and “wanting blood”.

When they reported on the meeting between the two statesmen at the negotiation table in Brussels, Vucic was presented as the dominant one. For example, at the end of November, they published a text about how “Kurti can’t look Vucic in the eyes” – based on the “analysis” of his body language, they determined that he “demonstrated extreme fear and discomfort in direct conversations with Aleksandar Vucic, unlike Vucic which seems extremely firm and prepared”. As proof, they attached several photos of Kurti looking at the papers on the table or at Jozep Borelj and Miroslav Lajcak, who were also at the meeting. However, there is also a photo from the same meeting on the website of the European Council, where Kurti looks Vucic in the eyes.

Srpski telegraf also settled accounts with the recent associates of Aleksandar Vucic. Thus, they claimed that the former Minister of Energy, Zorana Mihajlovic, was “collaborating with the opposition”, that she was “blackmailing and attacking because she is losing her position” and that she was “hitting directly at Vucic”. Without evidence, they accused her on several occasions of giving information to the newspaper Nova because she was afraid of losing her position, and of “paying Solak’s media to advertise that she is hard-working, smart and has a tidy house”.

The former defence minister, Nebojsa Stefanovic, did not fare better either. After the interview that former state secretary Dijana Hrkalovic gave to Objektiv, accusing Stefanovic of protecting Veljko Belivuk, Srpski telegraf called for his arrest: “There is no going back now, country, arrest”. Almost every mention of Stefanovic was followed by biased or sensationalist headlines such as “Fear, Nebojsa”, “The minister hid in a mouse hole”, “Stefanovic collected debts for Saric”

Vecernje novosti and Serbs as eternal victims of regional and western plotters

Third on the list in terms of the number of manipulations detected (at least 238 of them) is Vecernje novosti.

This paper very often manipulated by presenting doubts and speculations as facts, unjustified generalizations, statements like “it is without a doubt” for things that are suspicious and unreliable, by subtly inserting journalistic, suggestive comments into factual reports such as “the blackmailing tone of Washington” or “hot heads in Kyiv”, and it also happened that they did not have a single source in the text, that is, they made decided claims without any substantiation.

Vecernje novosti did not particularly deal with Vucic’s opposition or people from the SNS, but compared to all other newspapers, they traditionally dealt mostly with the “enemies” from the region – highlighting Albin Kurti, Albanians and Croats in a negative context.

Kurti appeared on the front pages of Vecernje novosti mostly in a negative context and with the use of inflammatory rhetoric, often without evidence for the written claims. In the black-and-white perspective of Vecernje novosti, the matter looked like this throughout the year: Kurti was preparing various atrocities in cooperation with allies in the West, and he received support from them against the Serbs, who were often uncritically portrayed as passive and victims. As this newspaper claimed all year, many people were working against the Serbs – Kurti, the Albanians, Milo Djukanovic, the European Union, the Croats, NATO

The good guys were Russian President Vladimir Putin, but also Milorad Dodik, who was portrayed as one of the few cross-border friends of Serbia. However, even in Vecernje novosti, the most represented actor was Aleksandar Vucic, whose photo appeared on the front page as many as 161 times, i.e. almost every other day.

Vecernje novosti maintained his cult of personality similar to Informer – by building tension for several days with harsh and unfounded words and announcements of war, only for him to dispel that tension in one day. So, for example, ten days before the end of the year, practically every day, there were dramatic front pages about the crisis with the barricades in Kosovo – “Kurti wants a massacre at the barricades”, “Kurti’s terror with the approval of Germany”, “Vucic’s brother and son on the list to be killed”, “Kurti’s police officers fired shots at the Serbs”, “He raised the army to attack the Serbs”, “They want to kick us out of Kosovo once and for all”, and after that dramatic week came the resolution in the form of the president: “Guarantees received, they remove the barricades” while featuring a large photo of Vucic.

The foreign policy topic that dominated the number of manipulations in this pro-regime paper was the war in Russia. As we wrote in last year’s analysis, Vecernje novosti reported on the war like the PR centre of the Kremlin – by dominantly relying on Russian sources and reporting in favour of Russia and from a Russian perspective. All possible civil crimes in Ukraine were denied and relativized, with claims that it was a staged event “like Markale and Racko”.

Last year, Vecernje novosti did not miss the opportunity to deny the genocide in Srebrenica with headlines such as “Srebrenica, Racak, Bucha, one face of propaganda”, “Serbs attacked to take revenge, NATO handed over Srebrenica”, or “Signature on genocide first, then entering Potocari”, where they claimed that everyone who wants to visit the memorial centre in Potocari will have to sign at the entrance to acknowledge the genocide. As they reported from this centre, that was not true.

Alo: Manipulation of statements and Djilas where he is not there

Last year, we recorded at least 198 biased, unfounded or otherwise manipulative news on the front pages of the tabloid Alo.

One of the characteristics of this tabloid is that the claims of various analysts or politicians are often presented on the front pages as unquestionable truth. What looks like a fact on the cover, in the text turns out to be someone’s assertion (which does not have to be true), mostly unargued, speculation or opinion.

Even this tabloid did not deviate from the usual template of reporting according to which other pro-regime media also report – there are good guys (Vucic) and bad guys (Albin Kurti, opposition leaders, Croats).

Aleksandar Vucic appeared on the front pages of this newspaper at least 122 times last year, that is, on average every third day, mostly in the role of a dominant leader.

Thus, before the elections itself, Alo assessed the individuals who supported Vucic as a “dream team”, and his policy as “responsible and statesmanlike”. Vucic’s speech before the UN General Assembly was described by Alo as “historic”, and in their ecstasy, they stated that with this speech, he “dismantled world hypocrisy” and “told everything to their face”. To illustrate the text, as Raskrikavanje wrote at the time, they used a photo of a full hall, which was actually taken during the address of the Ukrainian ambassador to the UN, while the hall was half empty during Vucic’s speech.

Even Alo did not spare Albin Kurti, the number 1 villain in the previous year, of harsh words. They described him as a “thug”, “lunatic”, “criminal”, “terrorist”, “Serb hater” and “clown from Pristina”. The negative campaign against Kurti was most pronounced in the summer when Kosovo announced new measures regarding personal documents, as well as at the end of the year when Kosovo’s Serbs set up barricades due to the arrest of a Serbian police officer.

One of the headlines from that period shows what manipulative reporting looks like when the claim that “Kurti openly announced that he would kill Serbs” and the comment “Creepy” appeared. Inside the newspaper, the reader learns that the reason for the text is Kurti’s statement to the Guardian in which he actually said that “We are concerned that the removal of the barricades will not exclude the victims”. The text shows that not only did he not announce the killing of Serbs, but on the contrary – he stated that “We want to be as careful as possible to ensure that there will be no destabilization and that there will be relative peace and security”. However, this sentence was not found in the text, but Prime Minister Ana Brnabic, Defense Minister Milos Vucevic and Director of the Office for Kosovo and Metohija Petar Petkovic commented on the fabricated threats in the Guardian.

They directed derogatory words at other “enemies”, such as Dragan Djilas, who they called “opposition tycoon” and “hypocrite”, and put him on the front page even when they didn’t even mention him in the text. Thus, we noted the headline in which Alo claimed that “for Djilas and Marinika, Serbs are murderers”, referring to an article in Danas. In that text, however, there is neither Djilas nor Marinika Tepic, but it conveys the testimony of a witness before the court in The Hague who claimed that Serbian forces killed civilians during the war in Kosovo. Alo “justified” the front page with the following words: “In the newspaper Danas, which is under the control of (…) Djilas and his right-hand Marinika Tepic, the presentation of Serbs as murderers, rapists and criminals continued”.

By the way, the publisher of Kurir is Adria Media Group, which has been hiring a manager for ethical standards since 2020. As they boasted at the time, they were the first media company in Serbia to hire an expert in journalistic ethics – Petar Jeremic, a former member of the Appeals Commission of the Press Council, is in that position – with the aim of “improving respect for ethical standards”.

 

Improved ethical standards of Kurir: “Whoever sleeps with Djilas, wakes up being peed on”

Last year, at least 122 unfounded or biased claims, as well as other types of manipulation, were published on the front pages of Kurir.

Vucic’s picture appeared on the front page on average every other day – at least 184 times – which puts this tabloid in second place, behind Srpski telegraf. The president was presented either in a positive or neutral context, and the positive attitude towards him was often expressed in just one word: “Stable”, “Determined”, “Principled”, “Consistent”, “Responsible”, “Strength”

Similarly, Kurir also showed bias towards some other actors, for example, Albin Kurti, whose political moves were followed on the front pages by the epithets “Gauzy” of “Perfidious”, while the moves of the opposition leader were evaluated with “Irresponsible” and “Impotence”. Politicians and other actors from Croatia and Montenegro were also described with the following words: “Pathetic”, “Desperate move”, “Shame”, and “Egocentric”

For example, they stated that Dragan Solak was “a money guarantor” and that he was “washing his biography”, and that headline was followed by the comment “A frog saw a horse being calked”. We recorded several other cases of the use of folk sayings in a similar context (“The village is burning and Zorana is combing her hair”), and “Who sleeps with Djilas wakes up being peed on” was especially interesting. This title announced “analysis of the political liquidations of Dragan Djilas”.

And Kurir, like other tabloids, sometimes used filters on photos of certain actors if they were “the bad guys”. Thus, Vucic’s face in the photos is “without wrinkles” and without the contrast that was used for photos of Kurti or opposition politicians whose faces on some covers looked tired, sick and ominous.

In addition to biased ones, there were also unfounded headlines, that is, claims for which there was no evidence or adequate arguments in the text itself that would “justify” it.

For example, they reported the alleged statement of the mayor of Kyiv, Vitali Klitschko, that “Serbia occupied Kosovo”, which Raskrikavanje considered unfounded, and Klitschko himself quickly denied this. They also wrote that North Korea is sending Putin 100,000 soldiers, which fact-checkers in the world assessed days before as a claim for which there is no evidence – moreover, such a thing was denied to Newsweek by the Russian Ministry of Diplomacy.

Manipulations guarantee readership, readership guarantees earnings

The companies behind these papers have, at the same time, concluded business contracts with the state, local self-governments and institutions during the past year.

They made money primarily through tenders for advertising, and to a lesser extent through tenders for project co-financing. More than 800,000 euros were paid to them from public budgets through these contracts, which you can read about in a separate text of Raskrikavanje.

IJAS: Authorities and TV “Pink” to Immediately Stop Targeting Journalists

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Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia (IJAS) strongly condemns broadcast of a video on TV Pink which calls for the arrest of journalists and editors of the daily newspaper “Danas”, portal Nova.rs, and televisions Nova S and N1 for criticizing the government and President of Serbia Aleksandar Vucic.

The uncredited video states that the media owned by the United Group are “rejoicing at the fate” of the owner of Informer, Dragan J. Vucicevic, who was fined for insult, but refused to pay. The video incorrectly states that he was sentenced to prison for “telling the truth”.

IJAS points out the seriousness of the incident and the targeting of journalists, because this video and similar ones that present someone in a very negative context can lead to other, much more serious consequences. IJAS believes that it is particularly inappropriate and malicious to mention and label Marko Vidojkovic and Nenad Kulacin, who had a large number of unresolved threats against them in recent years, due to which Vidojkovic had to be relocated. It was precisely the threats, such campaigns and the negative environment in which Vidojkovic lives and works, partly created by targeting coming from the representatives of the authorities, that led to the journalist’s relocation from Serbia.

The video also mentions the authors of the show “Mentalno razgibavanje” and displays excerpts from the newspapers Nova.rs and Danas, as well as parts of interviews with Bojan Pajtic and Zdravko Ponos, Serbian opposition politicians.

The video was broadcast two days after Prime Minister Ana Brnabic announced that she would demonstrate in the following 48 hours that President Aleksandar Vucic is most often featured on the front pages of dailies Danas and Nova which she defined as tabloids.

President Vucic said from Italy that he has been most often featured on front pages of Danas and Nova, and added that “a lie” is the middle name of these media outlets.

Two days ago, the Coalition for Media Freedom warned the public that the messages of state officials who publicly lament the allegedly threatened rights of regime propagandists who mock the rule of law and the journalistic profession are a threat to the entire society because they hint at the torture of dissenters and endanger the system of power sharing.

April 6th, 2023

Croatian Journalism in a “Media Desert”

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Media should be co-financed through public tenders with clear allocation criteria and independent commissions deciding on fund distribution,” said Melisa Skender, the Secretary-General of the Croatian Journalists’ Association (CJA), in an interview with the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) published on europeanjournalists.org. She emphasized the importance of vibrant and independent local media serving the public interest as the cornerstone of democratic societies.

The article highlights the pivotal role of such media in empowering citizens to understand and assert their rights within their communities. However, the existence of these media outlets has become uncertain in various parts of the European Union.

Furthermore, examples from Croatia, Turkey, and Portugal are provided, discussing the emergence of “media deserts” in these countries. The term “media deserts” was coined by American scholars and policymakers to describe the crisis facing traditional media and the disappearance of local newspapers as a result of digital transformation and the global economic downturn of 2008.

In the Croatian context, the problematic nature of media registered in Croatian electronic and print media registries is revealed. Many publications, portals, radio, and TV stations are registered as media despite not meeting the criteria. According to the latest official data from the Agency for Electronic Media for 2021, at least one-third of Croatian web portals did not meet the basic requirements to be considered media. Similarly, the print registries list romance novels, comics, puzzles, and horoscopes alongside daily newspapers and political weeklies.

Moreover, many local media outlets are owned by local government units, raising questions about their independence from authorities. The CJA and the Trade Union of Croatian Journalists’ (TUCJ) developed a visualization displaying data on the number of publishers by region and media ownership type.

Skender advocates for public funding of media through transparent public tenders and independent commissions to address these challenges. She also highlights the lack of independent funding models for local media in Croatia.

Lastly, the article underscores the importance of obtaining data to identify trends and react promptly. Sustainable funding models for media houses require independent media to have a fair and equitable position in a sector dominated by government-funded media or media conglomerates.

To address these issues, the LocalMedia4Democracy project, jointly implemented by the EFJ, Journalismfund Europe, the Centre for Media Pluralism and Freedom (CMPF), and the International Media Support (IMS), aims to support local, regional, and social media outlets struggling in “devastated media areas” in Europe through financial support, capacity building, and research initiatives.

Additionally, the first call for applications for the Media Funding Program for Local, Regional, and Social Media in the EU has been launched, with financial support from the European Commission.

For more information, please visit europeanjournalists.org.