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BH Journalists: Zoran Čegar must be immediately sanctioned for brutal threats to CIN journalists!

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Photo credit: CIN 

Sarajevo, 27.10.2021. – The Steering Committee of the BH Journalists Association demands from the Directorate of Federal Police (FUP) and the federal minister of internal affairs Aljoša Čampara to immediately sanction Zoran Čegar, head of the Uniformed Police Sector, for brutal threats to journalists from the Center for Investigative Journalism from Sarajevo!

Working on the story about how he acquired multimillion-dollar property in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia, CIN journalists contacted Čegar to get the necessary information. In a telephone conversation, they asked Čegar for an interview, but he refused, with threats and curses. Čegar ended the conversation with journalists by saying: “Don’t even think of calling me again, so that I don’t come to you from where you’re calling me”, and he cursingly called the journalist a “Chetnik”.

A similar attack on CIN journalists was repeated yesterday in front of the Dubrovnik Municipal Court, where Zoran Čegar’s trial for the criminal offense of fraud began. After the CIN journalist asked Čegar for a comment, he reacted violently and threatened: “Don’t make me rip your throat out!”.

Such monstrous threats and insults to journalists come from a high-ranking person in the police hierarchy, who should be responsible for law enforcement and protecting citizens from all kinds of brutality, physical and verbal attacks, and not be the one who will attack and threaten!

The fact that a high-ranking police officer in a public position verbally attacks CIN journalists and directly threatens with physical violence has additional weight and requires an urgent response from the federal police structures! At the very least, the aforementioned actions towards our colleagues deserve the immediate suspension of Zoran Čegar from the position he holds.

If the FUP and federal minister Čampara have not already found it appropriate to react due to the fact that the indictment against Čegar for the criminal offense of fraud was brought up in Croatia in 2019, justifying that they “did not know” about it because “Čegar didn’t inform them” (?!), then brutal threats and violent behavior towards journalists should be reason enough to dismiss such a person from all official duties and sanction him in accordance with the law.

The Steering Committee of the BH Journalists Association and the Free Media Help Line (FMHL) will report this case to the Directorate of Federal Police, as well as other competent domestic and international institutions, and insist on the sanctioning of the police officer Čegar and his prosecution for assaulting and endangering the safety of journalists.

Steering Committee of BH Journalists Association/Free Media Help Line

 

RSF supports an investigative journalist targeted by a gag lawsuit in Serbia which provides especially fertile grounds for judicial harassment

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A reporter of the investigative outlet KRIK risks a prison sentence over a piece exposing secret business practices of a powerful businessman close to the Serbian President. While monitoring the trial, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) calls on Serbia to implement anti-SLAPP measures recommended by the European Union.

 

“While businessmen with problematic connections to politics and to politicians themselves deliberately use abusive lawsuits to silence journalists, neither the Serbian judiciary, nor the society sees this as a big problem,” said Head of Advocacy at RSF Germany, Lisa Kretschmer, who is in Belgrade monitoring journalist Dragana Pećo’s trial. “This has to change, so that public-interest journalism – under pressure from all directions in Serbia – is better protected.”

 

“We call on Serbia – which provides most fertile grounds for gag lawsuits in Europe, but which is also an EU candidate country – to fully implement the European Commission’s recommendations from April 2022. They contain preventive measures to protect journalists against SLAPPs as well as punitive measures against those who file them,” added Head of the EU-Balkans Desk at RSF International, Pavol Szalai.

 

The case of Dragana Pećo of the Serbian investigative outlet, KRIK, is emblematic of SLAPPs (Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation) in Serbia. The journalist is sued for the second time by Nikolas Petrović, a powerful businessman and the best man of the Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić. The current lawsuit against Pećo has been filed by Petrović over her article about his secret business practices, exposing especially his entanglements with the controversial businessman Stanko Subotic. Pećo and her co-author Vesna Radojević revealed that Petrović had bought an airline company from Subotic at a heavily discounted price through middleman companies in Luxembourg. In reaction to this article, Petrović’s lawyers demand a Belgrade court to condemn Pećo to a two month prison sentence for the “unauthorized collection of personal data”. They request one month in prison for Vesna Radojević.

 

The trial has been dragging on for nearly a year and a half, with the next hearing scheduled for October 28. RSF will monitor the trial on the ground in support of Dragana Pećo and as part of a broader press freedom mission in Serbia.

 

Pećo’s media, KRIK, which investigates organized crime and corruption, has been targeted by numerous SLAPPs. Most recently, it has been subject to a lawsuit by the former State Secretary of the Serbian Ministry of Interior, Dijana Hrkalović. The politician is currently on trial herself for allegedly using her high political office to obstruct a criminal investigation. According to KRIK’s numerous investigative piecesHrkalović has been in contact with members of organized crime. In addition to KRIK, Hrkalović has filed complaints against another 15 media outlets.

 

As one of three states, Serbia was nominated for the prize of the “SLAPP country of the year” by the European SLAPP Contest organized by the European coalition against gag lawsuits, CASE, of which RSF is also a member. According to the jury, the biggest EU candidate country in Western Balkans with 18 documented cases of abusive lawsuits in 2021 “has proven to be fertile ground for SLAPPs”. The prize was eventually awarded to Poland.

 

Neither the prosecutor’s office, nor the courts communicate sufficiently with the press, according to a recent study by the Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia (NUNS). As a result, journalists have trouble making themselves understood by a part of the judiciary. Many judges in Serbia are not aware that SLAPPs deliberately aim to hinder journalistic work or even make it impossible. The plaintiffs often call for high damages, while the legal costs of a trial alone endanger the existence of the editorial office. Freelance media professionals are even more at risk.

 

Serbia is ranked 79th out of 180 countries in RSF’s 2022 World Press Freedom Index.

Turkey: Eleven journalists arrested following raids

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photo: canva

On 25 October 2022, eleven journalists were arrested following raids on their homes in the cities of Ankara, Istanbul, Van, Diyarbakir, Urfa and Mardin in Turkey. The International and European Federations of Journalists (IFJ/EFJ) join their affiliates TGS and DISK Basin-Is in urging the authorities to immediately release the detained journalists and stop the raids on their homes.

According to IFJ and EFJ affiliates, Turkish authorities raided the homes of 10 journalists as part of “terrorism-related” investigations led by the Ankara Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office. According to DISK, the journalists were flown to the floor head down, handcuffed with weapons pointed at them.

Premises of the two pro-Kurdish media outlets were searched and the alleged relations of these journalists with outlawed Kurdish militants supposedly led to their arrests. Journalists of Mesopotamia Agency and JINNEWS were targeted, both pro-Kurdish media newsrooms.

A 24-hour restriction order was issued against the detained journalists. Restrictions on lawyers have been imposed and journalists’ offices are also being sought.
The arrested journalists were:

  • Diren Yurtsever, Selman Güzelyüz, Emrullah Acar, Hakan Yalçın, Berivan Altan, Zemo Ağgöz, Ceylan Şahinli, Mehmet Günhan (former reporting intern) from Mesopotamia Agency
  • Habibe Eren, Öznur Değer, Derya Ren from JINNEWS

According to the Mezopotamya, over 100 books but also, computers, newspapers, Kurdish magazines and ID cards were confiscated by the police.

Turkey’s parliament passed on 13 October a highly criticised law that could see reporters and social media users jailed for up to three years. The law criminalises free flow of information by providing a framework for extensive censorship of online information. Journalists found guilty of deliberately publishing “disinformation and fake news” could face up to three 3 years in prison. This enables the government to further subdue and control public debate in the lead up to Turkey’s general elections in 2023.

DISK Basin-Is said: “We are concerned that this number will increase. Journalism is not a crime. We appeal to our colleagues and the whole community. Don’t be silent against pressure. If you keep quiet, one day it will be your turn.”

TGS said “These operations are an attack on the citizen’s right to be informed. We want our colleagues to be released as soon as possible. Journalists cannot go to the elections by being detained! You will not be able to criminalise journalism with these applications! 

The Federations said “We are highly concerned by this new development just a few weeks after the adoption of the new Disinformation law. We call for the immediate release of the journalists and urge the authorities to stop the crackdown on our journalists colleagues.

Changes in the Right to Access to Information Law might hinder watchdog and investigative journalism in Albania

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photo: canva

 

On 19 October 2022, the Ministry of Justice published a draft law “On some additions and changes to law no. 119, dated 14.09.2014 “On the right to information.” According to the government, this draft law aims to improve and strengthen the current legislation on the right to information, focusing on the citizens’ interest and the public authorities’ transparency and accountability.

The purpose of the draft law is to avoid the legal vacuum that follows the drafting of new legislation in the field of personal data protection to align with the GDPR of the European Union as part of the accession process. The government argues that the draft law comes as a response to the challenges faced during the current law implementation identified by the Commissioner for the Right to Information and Data Protection (the Commissioner), civil society, and citizens.

As shown by the latest report on FOI in the region, Albania’s law on access to information is the oldest in the Western Balkan, and its amendment has been long overdue. The Commissioner is one of the most active in the region in monitoring and criticizing the authorities and having close relations with civil society and independent media. However, public institutions in Albania are still not transparent, as also shown by the high number of complaints administered by the Commissioner: 992 in 2022 (European Commission Report for Albanian 2022), which highlight the tendency of public institutions to uphold information. This report evaluates that Albania has made “no progress” on freedom of information and underlines critical issues regarding freedom of expression and media freedom. In this light, some of the changes proposed to the current law on access to information risk hindering further investigative and watchdog journalism, which might further weaken public authorities’ transparency and accountability.

The first concern relates to the provisions in the draft law about “abusive requests.” More specifically, the draft law’s new rules under Article 24/2 envisage: “When requests for information are blatantly abusive, especially due to their repetitive character, the public authority may decide to end the administrative procedure without a definitive decision. The burden of proof to attest the abusive nature of the request belongs to the public authority“. If passed, this would allow public authorities and ministries to dismiss requests for public information from journalists that are “blatantly abusive, especially due to their repetitive character…. without a definitive decision”. The public authority would decide what requests classify as abusive, and they have no obligation to justify it. Journalists and media outlets could still submit a complaint to the Commissioner if their FOI requests are rejected.

If passed in the currently proposed manner, the changes could further hinder professional investigative and quality journalism, which in turn would further undermine government transparency and accountability. Evidence shows that public institutions tend to uphold information (studies here and here). There is no substantial evidence that journalists or citizens have abused the law by sending repetitive FOI requests that could have burdened the administrative work of the Coordinator for Access to Information in public authorities (the Coordinator).

Currently, there is no need to justify FOI requests by citizens. Also, public institutions are obliged to provide the information. This law envisages administrative accountability of public officials who fail to comply with its obligations, sanctioned by fines of up to EUR 2 500, and the possibility for the Commissioner to take disciplinary actions against the person responsible. As reported by BalkanInsight, over the years, the Commissioner overseeing the law has imposed very few fines, while journalists complain that authorities often drag their feet when dealing with politically sensitive information. Therefore, this change will provide ample space for public authorities to use the “abusive requests” provision as an excuse for not handing over information to journalists, particularly in politically sensitive cases or cases related to grand corruption, public procurement, etc.

One of the issues raised by the Commissioner and civil society is the non-implementation of the Commissioner’s decisions. The draft law has provisions to address this issue, according to which non-implementation of the Commissioner’s decisions will be punished with 150,000 to 300,000 ALL. This sanction will be applied to the head of the institution. This fall shorts of the constant request of civil society that has argued for the need for the decisions of the Commissioner to have executive titles, and their non-execution must constitute an administrative violation.

Another concern has been ensuring that public institutions are transparent and respond appropriately to FOI requests. Even though the current law requires the Commissioner to decide all the cases of failure of public institutions to provide information, according to the 2021 monitoring carried out by the “Res Publica” Center, the Commissioner continues to make very few decisions about the complaints received by this office: only in 4% of the cases in 2021. Although the draft law incorporates some suggestions from civil society, it fails to address this vital issue. Independent and investigative journalists have argued that the low number of decisions by the Commissioner and the fact that the Commissioner’s decisions do not have the power of executive titles are critical issues of the current law and its implementation. Notwithstanding, the draft law does not address these new changes.

On the positive side, the accompanying report to the draft law argues that it has been noticed that the responsibility for not providing information does not always lie with the Coordinator. To avoid any delay on the part of the public authority in publishing information as part of the Transparency Program, the draft law provides the obligation to update the information every time it changes, indicating the date of the last update. Also, public institutions will be obliged to update and publish the Register of Requests and Responses every month and not every three months as it is currently. In addition, to motivate the Coordinator, the draft law provides that during the period designated as Coordinator for the right to information, the public authority employee benefits from a particular work nature supplement on top of the monthly salary. Hence, the draft law also provides for fines for leaders or other senior-level officials who refuse to respond to requests from citizens or journalists.

Additional links:

https://konsultimipublik.gov.al/Konsultime/Detaje/528

https://www.reporter.al/2022/10/24/ndryshimet-ne-ligjin-per-te-drejten-e-informimit-priten-me-kritika/

https://www.mapmf.org/alert/25285

https://balkaninsight.com/2022/10/24/albania-gov-attempt-to-block-abusive-foia-s-criticized/

https://citizens-channel.com/2022/10/25/cfare-pritet-te-ndryshoje-ne-ligjin-per-te-drejten-e-informimit/

https://www.publeaks.al/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/E-drejta-e-informimit-2021-Res-Publica-web.pdf

 

 

Media landscape filled with prejudice: Portrayal of Roma people in Serbian media

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photo: canva

Roma people are usually only given space in the media when it is either World Roma Day or through media coverage of government support programmes for the Roma community. Even then, the reporting remains purely factual, without a deeper analysis and a critical view on the position of the Roma in Serbia. 

Media reports fail to draw attention to the discrimination against Roma people in Serbian society, although their reality is filled with prejudice, discrimination, but also physical and racist attacks.

Additionally, when reporting on the Roma, there is very little space for positive stories, even on the public broadcasting service, which is financed by all citizens of Serbia, thus including Roma people.

“When we talk about reporting on the Roma population, it is inevitable to mention that reporters are insufficiently informed about the current position of the Roma. Also, when Roma people participate in “positive stories”, that is, when they participate in joint programs and when they fight together with the citizens of Serbia for a better society, the media does not recognise that the participants are Roma. However, when a negative story is conveyed, for example a theft, then, even though that information is not relevant, it is emphasized that the perpetrator is Roma. “This creates prejudice”, says Mihajlo Jovanović, an activist from the Roma Association of Braničevo district and the author of the Youth for Youth podcast.

The media plays a role in creating the image that shapes public opinion. However, media workers are also citizens who live in a certain society and therefore adopt the dominant narrative of that society. Mainstream media reporters rarely question their standpoints, and therefore run the risk of reproducing deeply ingrained stereotypes. When we report on marginalized groups (in this case the Roma), we must be aware of their position in society, the prejudice, and the stereotypes that exist in society, but also in our attitudes. “Roma are good musicians” is also a stereotype about the Roma community. Although it is not negative and does not directly cause harm, it nevertheless creates generalization of all members of one group. Generalisation of any kind contributes to building negative attitudes towards the whole group based on individual examples. In this way, when media, for example, report on theft and mention that the perpetrator is Roma, we get a generalised, negative attitude about all representatives of that community. This is precisely why the Code of Journalistic Ethics forbids mentioning the ethnicity of perpetuators unless it is essential to the story. However, the Code is violated on a daily basis.

Due to ignorance and deeply ingrained stereotypes, journalists can create a negative image when reporting, even when their intention is good. Exactly for that reason, it is important to create space for genuine Roma voices, but not just to speak about issues related to the Roma community but also on different topics relevant for all citizens of the society we live in.

Jovanović pointed out that young Roma men and women are working towards a more inclusive society, breaking down walls of misunderstanding, as well as informing citizens about the position of the Roma through the regional conferences Decade of Roma Inclusion.

In the media, there is almost no critical analysis of the government support programs for the Roma community, and the reporting is initiated by pseudo-events that promote state policy on the Roma and government support for the Roma community.

The media has a long way to go to replace factual reporting with a critical analysis of the position of the Roma community in society, the effectiveness of the implementation of the state’s minority inclusion policies, as well as issues of discrimination and racism. There are examples of good practice, but it is time for the mainstream media, more generally, to become more inclusive and provide a platform for those who have been silent for too long.

 

Author: Ivana Jovanović

Article originaly published at mladi.org.rs

EC: Protection of journalists improved, old cases of attacks remained unsolved

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BRUSSELS, 19.10.2022. – On freedom of expression, limited progress was made on last year’s recommendations. The legal framework for the protection of journalists and other media workers has improved thanks to the adoption of amendments to the Criminal Code laying down more stringent penalties against attacks and threats against journalists and obstructing or preventing them from performing their work.

This is stated in the latest European Commission report on Montenegro’s joining process.

Amendments to the Criminal Code were initiated by Action for Human Rights and the Trade Union of Media of Montenegro and were later supported by seven non-governmental organizations dealing with media freedom. The advocacy process lasted more than ten years.

The Criminal Code has been amended so that the penalties for criminal offenses in which journalists and other media workers are victims have been increased.

However, as written in the Report, the position of media employees has not improved: “Journalists continued to report overall poor working conditions, including low salaries, unpaid overtime work, security risks and different forms of pressure and undue influence on their work, both from media owners and third parties. The trend of media outlets and journalists launching defamation lawsuits against their competitors has continued. The socioeconomic situation and working conditions are particularly difficult in local public broadcasters, which are directly exposed to editorial influence and financial control by local authorities.”

Also, in the report, the EC notes the “strongly worded public criticism of the work of both public and private media outlets” by high-ranking officials, as well as the lack of effective judicial proceedings in important older cases of attack on journalists.

“The institutional and law enforcement response to address new cases of violence against
journalists and media workers has improved. However, there has been no breakthrough in
critical old cases, including the 2004 murder of the editor-in-chief of the daily newspaper
Dan. In December 2021, the police arrested two individuals, one of whom a police officer, on suspicion of being involved in the 2018 shooting of an investigative journalist.”

It also states that the adoption of the draft media laws and strategy is pending.

“Deep political polarisation of the media scene persisted, while growing competition from big regional media placed additional strain on the local media market. Further sustained efforts are needed to establish effective self-regulatory mechanisms. The public broadcaster Radio Televizija Crne Gore (Radio Television of Montenegro –RTCG) continued to pursue a balanced editorial policy, featuring politically diverse content.”

BH Journalists: Jasmin Mulahusić must be sanctioned for spreading hatred towards journalists!

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Jasmin Mulahusić (Facebook) 

Sarajevo/Banja Luka, 18.10.2022. – The Steering Committee of the BH Journalists Association (BHJA) calls on the Prosecutor’s Office of Bosnia and Herzegovina to respond urgently within its jurisdiction to the spread of religious and national hatred towards journalists in BiH by Jasmin Mulahusić and his followers on the social network Facebook.

In the last two days, Jasmin Mulahusić wrote on several occasions about members of the immediate family of Al Jazeera Balkans journalist Dalija Hasanbegović-Konaković, stating, among other, that her sister is “married to an Orthodox” and that she “left Islam”, that Dalija “graduated from the Catholic school center”, that her mother was married to a Croat, and the like. This is not the first time that Mulahusić has targeted the aforementioned journalist with the aim of inciting national and religious hatred, and this is solely due to the fact that Dalija Hasanbegović-Konaković is the wife of politician Elmedin Konaković, the president of the Narod i Pravda party.

Inciting rhetoric and spreading hatred towards Dalija Hasanbegović-Konaković and her family members is a criminal offense, as well as impermissible interference in her personal and family life, including her family members who are not public figures and whose privacy is protected by Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental freedoms.

We remind that a year ago, the Prosecutor’s Office of Bosnia and Herzegovina conducted an investigation against Jasmin Mulahusić for the criminal offense of inciting national, racial and religious hatred, discord and intolerance. Unfortunately, the public doesn’t have any new information about the progress of this investigation, while Mulahusić continues to publish inflammatory posts on Facebook directed against numerous journalists, editors and media outlets in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Each of those posts has dozens of comments by Mulahusić’s followers, in which hate speech against journalists is further spread, along with the insults on national and religious grounds, threats and calls to lynch media representatives.

The Steering Committee of the BH Journalists Association especially emphasizes the lack of reaction of the highest officials of the Party of Democratic Action (SDA) to announcements made by Mulahusić, which can be interpreted as tacit approval and support of his views and incitement of hatred. Given the fact that Mulahusić doesn’t hide his connections with the highest leadership of the SDA and publishes photos about it on social networks, the least that the public in BiH expects is a public condemnation of all SDA sympathizers who, like Mulahusić, use hate speech or support national, racial and religious intolerance towards journalists, as well as towards any other individual or group.

Also, the Steering Committee of BH Journalists publicly demands from the Prosecutor’s Office of BiH to prioritize solving the “Mulahusić case” and inform the public of the current stage of the case. We emphasize that this is a person whom the Prosecutor’s Office linked to terrorist activities and who has a large number of followers on social networks, which additionally contributes to the spread of hateful content at an incredible speed. In such circumstances, the ineffectiveness of the investigation and the taking of legal measures against Jasmin Mulahusić who daily violates the fundamental human rights of journalists from Bosnia and Herzegovina is unacceptable.

EFJ’s Mustafa Kuleli: New disinformation law could erase last remnants of freedom in Turkey

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photo: canva

Turkey’s parliament yesterday approved a tough new media law that provides for up to three years in prison for journalists and social media users spreading false or misleading information. The Journalists’ Union of Turkey (TGS) denounced the law as a move by Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan to stifle critical voices ahead of the general elections in June 2023. We spoke to EFJ Vice-President Mustafa Kuleli about the impact on journalism and free speech in Turkey.

 

What will the law passed yesterday change for Turkish journalists?

The purpose of this law is not to fight disinformation but to end factual reporting and freedom of expression. Now that it is passed, the last remnants of the freedom of expression risk being lost. The highly politicised Turkish judiciary has “a stick of censorship” in its hands, allowing courts to hand down jail sentences of up to three years to journalists and regular social media users who allegedly “openly spread misleading information”. Basically, any critical posts on social media could be denounced as “misinformation”. It will provide a legal basis for many abuses by a judiciary, which is already politically controlled and lacks independence. Millions of Internet users in Turkey will risk imprisonment.

 

What are the most concerning articles of the new proposed law?

Article 29 introduces a new crime of “public dissemination of misleading information” into the Turkish legal system. As this crime is defined in rather vague and open-ended terms, it is unclear how prosecutors will determine “fake news” and those who participate in its dissemination. Social networks and internet sites will be required to hand over personal details of users suspected of “propagating misleading information”. In addition, the law includes concepts such as “disinformation”, “baseless information” and “distorted information” without providing legal definitions. It also refers to “security”, “public order” and “public peace”, which have been used repeatedly against journalists in legal harassment cases. Criminalising such actions might lead to developments that could shake the roots of democracy and the core principles of freedom of expression.

 

Why is Erdogan’s AKP party introducing this legislation now?

The haste with which this law was passed may indicate that the government’s objective is to increase pressure on journalists and social media users before the elections. The proposal, prepared without consultation with journalists’ organisations and civil society, has been controversial even within the government.

Source: EFJ

IJAS: The comic group “The Boys” issued a warning against the state and the attackers of the exhibition

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photo: canva

The members of the comics group “The Boys” decided to deliver a warning to the state, as well as to the perpetrators of the attack on their exhibition. Two years ago, on October 13, 2020, a group of a dozen masked young men broke into the “Old Captain’s House” at the retrospective exhibition of the comic group “The Boys”, threw tear gas and tore up the exhibited works. The authors were threatened with death before and after the destruction of the exhibition. The authors of the exhibition filed several criminal charges, among other things, against the former Minister of Culture and Information, Vladan Vukosavljevic, who in a shameful statement equated the authors with the perpetrators.

As a result of all reports and complaints, only the policeman on duty was punished with a 20 percent reduction in salary due to inadequate response, while the authorities believe that the authors of the torn works were not harmed. The Ministry is silent, and most of the attackers and threats have not been prosecuted.

 

The comic group, with the help of the IJAS legal service, took a series of legal actions back in October 2020 and asked the following questions:

  •         Why did most of the attackers stay out of the law, even though there is a description for some of them?
  •        What about the most death threats addressed to the authors and organizers of the exhibition over the Internet, since for some of them the competent authorities have been provided with data on profiles and IP addresses? Even after two years, for more than 100 threats, the prosecutor’s office formed only a single-digit number of cases, a total of 9, while some of the victims were heard in only five cases.
  •         Why do the authorities need more than a year and a half to hear the persons from whose accounts the threats were sent?
  •         Why was there no procedure for throwing tear gas?

 

Now we ask new questions:

  •         Why do the authorities not consider that the authors of the exhibition have been harmed?
  •         Why do we have to write several emergency letters and complain to the Serbian Ombudsman every two years for any legal action, without which we wouldn’t get excerpts from the court files and there would be no punishment for the policeman on duty?
  •         Why does the Ministry of Culture and Information, even though the disputed announcement has been removed and another minister is in office, not answer the media’s questions about the case?

13.10.2022.

Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia (IJAS)