SARAJEVO, 12.02.2018.- Considering the number of printed, electronic and new media sources, we cannot say that media market in Bosnia and Herzegovina is prose and keel, that there is no media pluralism, but also media pluralism that does not follow pluralism in media.

Namely, there are 43 television stations in Bosnia and Herzegovina broadcasting their program through ground radio diffusion transmission and three are 38 TV stations broadcasting their program through other network sources; 138 radio stations, nine daily newspapers and 106 magazines, eight news agencies5 and tens of internet websites and other publications. However, media quantity (number of media houses) has never resulted in different approaches and sources, during the process of providing public with information. As a final outcome, there is the significant number of very similar, repeated information in different media houses with completely identical contents.

In this information misbalance, it is difficult to come across and find out objective, true, complete, verifiable and confirmed information. Original and authentic media contents seem to be missing as far as this issue is concerned. On the other hand, there is a great number of new information that does not represent the public interest. There are also sensational, false news which creates imaginary information and awareness. The audience keeps receiving a lot of information, but there is a very limited number of those that can, in fact, be seriously considered as utterly useful and beneficiary for end users (consumers). Internet has provided the public with faster and easier access to media contents, but it has not made impact to its usage and credibility (authenticity) for most viewers; on the contrary, in their aspiration to obtain more views of contents posted on the net, the administrators and web editors post the news whose titles attract the audience and viewers, although the content would remain completely useless.

Media bear most responsibility although viewers should, to some extent, feel responsible as well. Media entrepreneurs and their financiers have been completely orientated and aimed towards profit making in the first place; in fact, they would determine and define editing policies and rules of media house they finance. Journalists’ space here is limited for their autonomy while reporting, although in performing their tasks and duties assigned, they would still remain professional with dignity and would take responsibility towards the public and audience.

Additionally, their work would be based on ethical values and honesty however possible that may be at certain points. This implies that they are more focused on personal profit-making based interest, rather than being focused on general public interest and this outlines the lack of journalists’ responsibility, because of emerging deadlines that must be met, futility and complete search for something new, regardless how unimportant that may appear, personal interest based on profit making still remains a priority comparing to general public interest. Still, the good news is that media users are not left helpless and on their own. Any individual may have a better sight of wider media context and learn to interpret, value, analyze and even create media contents through educational programs regarding on media contents (programs), including media functioning and operating, ownership, legal relegations, types of reporting, criteria regarding news values, professionalism included etc. One could actually recognize and identify poor, false and useless content in media and protect oneself from this on one hand, and use media in the way it best suits him/her on the other hand; he/she could communicate through media, take active part in public discourse and improve their social position (status).

All of this is considered as media literacy issue, which, considering the existing media scene in Bosnia and Herzegovina is not only important but also considered required and rather necessary. Taking into consideration that media educational programs are not constituent parts of educational system Bosnia and Herzegovina, that there are no media education programs for adults either, that, (with an exception of certain non – governmental projects on the state level), there are no activities taken regarding the media literacy implementation programs for public, media houses are consequently left with self – education only. If one has minimum knowledge of information technology and internet sources using, he or she could have access to a great number of textual, audio and video contents regarding media literacy, thus creating at least minimum media education steps for him/her.

Therefore, there is media pluralism, but there is no pluralism in media in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Media houses are completely financially dependent which directly impacts the quality of their work. Profit-making has become key imperative which reduces the space for the truth, responsibility and ethical values. Media literacy is most logical and most useful solution for audience; it is only a matter of to what level would the state and governing authority officials show interest in its implementation, since governing officials, through the use of media sources may manipulate with the public, unless the public is not aware of media literacy and its importance.

This text is a part of E-Bulletin– third edition of special serial of BHN online bulletin implemented through the “Media and Public Reputation” (origin. “Mediji i javni ugled”) project, also representing a contribution to public debate regarding the transparency of media ownership and upholding and encouraging the passing of set of laws aimed to advance media field and information market in BiH. 

PODGORICA, 12.02.2018. –  When it comes to LGBTIQ+ population the media in Montenegro are evolving and mostly respect journalistic standards and the branch code. So the texts are in majority neutral and objective and they are written in terminology that is acceptable from the human rights point of view.This progress is unfortunately followed by citizens’hate speech allowed by untimely administrated comments on portals and complete lack of control of new communication platforms which the media are using in their competition for the wider public.

What is missing is that sincere interest in LGBTIQ+population problematic, more stories about LGBTIQ+ individuals and more media programs. All for the goal of completing the role of media given by the part of American authors Bill Kovach and Tim Rosenstill and that is „to give people information which is needed to be free and to participate in managing themselves.“

There are no exact data, at least not those available to the public by the Internet search, in case of how the media has progressed during the last few years in the reports about the human rights of one of the most marginalized groups in Montenegro.NGO “Juventas” hasanalyzed media content and reports about LGBTIQ+ population in 2010 and 2011 within the Report about human rightssituation of LGBT persons in Montenegro in 2011.  It should be mentioned as well that in the last seven years the situation in the country has significantly changed when it comes to the media. The electronic media and social networks are used more as platforms for informing, but as well as the place where media consumers can be active participants.

In the NGO “Juventas” report is stated that „the representation of media publications with LGBT thematic has significantly grown in 2010, especially when it comes to publications which deal with a local context. Juventas is considering that the situation is direct consequence of Juventas’startup of one of the first projects oriented towards improving the position of LGBT persons in Montenegrin society,Montenegro-a bright spot on the gay map.“

Media interest in LGBT thematicstill continues and is evident. However it should be emphasized that it mainly concerns reports from events, press releases, analysis of publications presented by non-governmental organizations, reactions to events that attract public attention like-violence. It misses human stories, documentary programs,TV series, movies which should as well contribute to informing public about everydayproblems of LGBTIQ+ population and how they overcome them.Yet the media have been trying to cover the Pride,but contents, which are not only considering this big event for the community, are still lacking. The answers for the lack of media products regarding LGBTIQ+ population should be sought from media owners and editors.

Whether due to still low visibility of LGBTIQ+ persons or the obstacle of reaching the interlocutors,mostly only LGBT activists continue to appear in the media. In Montenegro there are few persons that are declared as members of LGBTIQ+ population. However that shouldn’t be an excuse for the lack of media content dealing with othermembers of sexual and gender minorities.

Juventas has noticed that the biggest difference in analyzedmedia results in 2010 and 2011 are in the numberof texts which are dealing with LGBT topics in the local and foreign context. The media are giving advantage to the local context and that is definitely a progress. Yet we shouldn’t forget that in time of mass media there are no limits. Therefore it should be written about global phenomenon and persons that are not from Montenegro, who are very influential especially if that is a case with role model for young people. The media should be – up to date- and they should adapt and offer content to LGBTIQ+ persons.

Still in majority media content promotesheteronormativity which can be easily noticed throughprogramanalysis such as TV series, movies, and documentaries, educational and similar programs. That’s why it should be worked on programs that are not only dedicated to the LGBTIQ+ population, but also include various topics which are considering gender and sexual minorities. One of the media functions is to maintain democratic values and to promote human rights with a goal that the majority allows minority’s voice to be heard.

It is noticeable that journalists are more and more understanding that the freedom of speech and hate speech are not the same. In their search for-the other side of the story- and the urge to be objective, Montenegrin media in the years have sought to have interlocutors that promote heterosexuality as the only right social norm, neglecting other sexual orientations.

Often media context were full of hate speech oriented towards groups and individuals who are not living by heteronormativity hidden under the cape of ‚‚the other side“. Now there is less of this journalistic excommunication, however advocates of hatred for sexual and gender minorities are increasingly occupying a virtual space on social networks for which the media are not responsible even though it’s on their pages, profiles and similar. So the space of the social network is in the domains of the Law on public order and peace, so instead of the media there are individuals and non-governmentalorganizations as well as institutions that are responding and reporting hate speech. The media has downsized their responsibility on written, printed, what has been said, administrating comments and etc. That’s why it is possible to find hate speech in the comments that unequivocally discriminate LGBT+ population even though the media context is correct and objective.

“When it comes to actors of media reports they are mainly written about LGBT persons (70%), rarelylike actors appear LGBT organizations (22%) and LGBT individuals (8%)” – this was one of the NGO “Juventas” observations a few years ago. The situation has changed because at that moment in Montenegro there was only one LGBT organization with one representative. Today in the country there are a few organizations dealing with this topic, so there are a few public ‚‚out of the closet“ persons. However media contents are still reduced to news, reports and interviews. The journalistic form should be more diverse when it comes to LGBTIQ+ population not just society, economy, politics and similar. The things that are missing are reports, columns, articles… these forms will show the public that is not just about some marginalized groups, and it is about people who are our neighbors, friends and family.

The media in Montenegro follow and respect the journalistic code. They have mastered the terminology which should be used when they ‚‚step on the LGBTIQ+ territory“. Still media representatives should master the skills of sincere interest for this thematic. To search for life stories, but also forms and ways of presentation of everyday life circumstances of gays, lesbians, bisexuals, transgender, transsexuals, intersex, queer and other gender and sexual minorities. And the hate speech of the heterosexual majority in the comments and on the social networks should not allowed overpowering the voice of minorities that have been heard through the neutral media content.

 Kristina Ćetković

This article has been produced as a part of the project Western Balkan’s Regional Platform for advocating media freedom and journalists’ safety with the financial assistance of the European Union. The contents of this article are the sole responsibility of the Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia and its authors, and can in no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the European Union.

PRISTINA, 12.02.2018 – Government of Serbia has opened a call for co-financing media projects thus inviting Serbian language media in Kosovo to participate in grants.

Serbia’s ministry of culture allocated nine million dinars (around 75.000 euro) to award media content through competition on exclusive topics such as preservation and development of Serbian national and cultural identity in Kosovo, Kossev news portal reports.

The project aims also to support media content that will “contribute to true, unbiased and full information to citizens that live in Kosovo and Metohia”.

The ministry of culture has also supported Serbian language media in Kosovo in 2016.

BELGRADE, 12.02.2018. – Reporters on corruption and organised crime in the Balkans are subject to a range of different pressures and challenges – as our comparison of reporting on such cases in Bosnia, Kosovo and Serbia shows.

Organised crime and corruption are among the key challenges facing the societies of the Western Balkans, with corruption in particular being a key grievance for ordinary citizens and voters.

As in any democracy, the media play a crucial role when it comes to informing the public on these subjects and shaping public debates.

The extent to which the media are able to do so objectively and independently will help the public to both better understand the scale of the problem and assess what their elected representatives and institutions, tasked with upholding the rule of law, are doing to combat organised crime and corruption.

During 2017, BIRN conducted a regional study that examined how the media report on organised crime and corruption in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and Serbia.

Aside from the looking at how media report on the topic, the study also sought to unpack why media report on organised crime and corruption in the way they do.

Specifically, our study sought to identify the challenges and constraints faced by media organisations across the region when it comes to reporting on organised crime and corruption.

Key Findings

Across Bosnia, Kosovo and Serbia, one of our key findings is that external pressure – whether from political, business or criminal circles – is an important factor, which shapes and constrains how the media report on organised crime and corruption. At the same time, the way in which this pressure manifests itself and constrains the work of journalists and media outlets varies across the region.

The purpose of this instrumentalisation is not only to paint a picture of a government actively engaged in fighting organised crime and corruption, but, more worryingly, to attack and discredit opponents – and even allies – of the ruling party.Serbia stands out as the most extreme case, with media reports on organised crime and corruption widely seen as instrumentalised by the ruling elite in its efforts to maintain power through methods that go beyond what can be considered acceptable in a consolidated democracy.

This instrumentalisation of the media also serves to put pressure on prosecutors and judges, with the goal of ensuring a desired outcome in specific cases.

A similar situation is evident in Bosnia, where instrumentalisation of media reporting on organised crime and corruption, by a range of political factions, is clear. However, there are differences between the situation in Bosnia and in Serbia.

In Serbia, media reporting on organised crime and corruption is instrumentalised overwhelmingly by one political camp – the ruling party; in Bosnia, different competing political camps have successfully instrumentalised different sections of the Bosnian media.

In Kosovo, the media are also exposed to external pressure and influence, originating from politics as well as public and private enterprises, when it comes to reporting on organised crime and corruption.

However, there does not appear to be any clear evidence that instrumentalisation of media reporting on the topics is a widespread phenomenon.

Pressure on the media appears more often to be directed towards suppressingreporting that could be damaging to influential politicians and businessmen rather than encouraging reporting on the corrupt or criminal practices of rivals, as often appears the case in Bosnia and Serbia.

Access to information

Difficulties in accessing information and sources – both formal and informal – were found to be another crucial factor constraining the ability of the media to report on organised crime and corruption across the region.

In all three countries, journalists rarely complain about the lack of legal provisions for accessing information from officials and institutions. On the contrary, their complaint is that in practice institutions are often passive, or closed, when it came to communicating with the media.

An important finding of BIRN’s research is that in all three countries there is a lack of uniformity and consistency when it comes to how institutions and officials communicate with the media.

Frequently, even if formal strategies or guidelines exist on how rule of law institutions and officials should communicate with the media, they are not implemented. Often, such rules do not exist, or are not clear.

All of this has created a very mixed picture where, for example, one court or prosecutor’s office may be very open to media requests for information, while another may be extremely closed and non-responsive.

In such cases, our research found that personal contacts and the professionalism of particular media outlets or journalists also affect access to information, positively or negatively. This was particularly the view in Kosovo.

Independent journalists there who specialise in reporting on the topics in question are seen as having generally better access to information than others.

The political affiliation of particular media outlets is a key factor affecting access to information and sources, both official and unofficial.

Indeed, this appears to be a particularly important determinant of access to information in Bosnia and Serbia, while the data gathered suggests that it is not a key factor in Kosovo.

While some interlocutors in Kosovo claimed that media close to the government have better access to information and sources, those journalists interviewed largely rejected such claims. Serbia again presented an extreme case.

Access there to information, formal and especially informal, was strongly correlated with the closeness of a media outlet to the ruling party.

Indeed, many of those interviewed by BIRN openly talked about the existence of “privileged” media that enjoy preferential access to information.

A more complex picture emerges in Bosnia. The political affiliation of a media outlet there does affect access to information.

However, given the many levels of government and the large number of parties holding office at different levels of government in Bosnia, few media outlets were completely shut out of accessing information.

Professional challenges

Limited professional and technical capacities, along with security concerns, were a common constraint on media reporting on organised crime and corruption identified across Bosnia, Kosovo and Serbia.

Journalists from Bosnia and Kosovo in some cases referred to fears for their own physical security as a constraint when writing on organised crime and corruption.

In particular, they referred to threats emanating from criminal circles in their respective countries, or the fear of receiving such threats.

Interestingly, such complaints were heard less often from journalists in Serbia, where self-censorship seemed a more fundamental constraint.

A common constraint on journalists in all three countries was fear of losing their jobs if they did not practice self-censorship, or if they persisted in writing on certain topics related to organised crime and corruption.

In all three countries, journalists and editors frequently complained about the lack of time and resources that they could devote to reporting on these topics. This, in turn, prevented them from investigating, or following, cases of organised crime or corruption in greater detail.

Another clear problem was the limited skills, knowledge and expertise of many journalists when it came to reporting on organised crime and corruption. On this point, opinions and perceptions varied a great deal, however.

A significant number of those interviewed as part of BIRN’s research, particularly those from the police, judiciary or prosecution, expressed a view that journalists often lacked the professional skills to report on organised crime and corruption. This was seen as a key obstacle to better reporting on these topics.

Many journalists agreed with such comments, noting that they often felt under-qualified to report on organised crime and corruption, particularly when it came to complex court proceedings.

Journalists working in electronic media complained in particular that they were unable to specialise in particular topics, unlike some of their colleagues in the print media.

However, it must be stressed that most of those interviewed as part of BIRN’s research – whether journalists or non-journalists – agreed that while many journalists lacked the professional capacities to report on organised crime and corruption effectively, there were also many excellent journalists in both Bosnia, Kosovo and Serbia who were entirely capable of investigating and reporting on these topics to a high standard.

In this context, interlocutors from Serbia in particular expressed the view that whatever the professional shortcomings of Serbian journalists, this was not the primary reason for the lack of good quality reporting.

Rather, in one way or another, they expressed their view that, particularly in the mainstream media, good journalists were held back from doing their job professionally due to political and other forms of pressure on media outlets. Similar sentiments were voiced in Bosnia and Kosovo.

The report was published as part of a project entitled ‘Exercising Freedom of Expression and the Openness of State Institutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and Serbia’.

The project was implemented by the Balkan Investigative Regional Reporting Network – BIRN Hub, in partnership with BIRN Serbia and BIRN Kosovo, from April 2017 to January 2018, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and Serbia. It was supported by German Federal Foreign Office Stability Pact funds.