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Approach of the Public Broadcasting Service B&H (BHRT) in Case of the Interview with dr. Sebija Izetbegović: One or two interviews – numerous unanswered questions

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SARAJEVO, 06.12.2017. – State-level public service, BHRT interviewed Dr. Sebija Izetbegović, director of the Clinical Center of the University of Sarajevo, which was to be published on October 25, 2017 at 21:15. Interview was done by the editor of the Morning Program, Lejla Zvizdić, who was the first one to announce it on her Facebook profile, and later on the interview was announced on the BHRT official web site. After it was decided that the interview would not be broadcast, the announcement was withdrawn without explanation from the BHRT website, and the journalist completely deleted her profile on social networks.

The director of BHT Mario Vrankić, on the request of journalists from other media, confirmed on the same day that the interview will not be published, but that he does not want to talk about the reasons. Almost immediately after the information about the removal of the announced interview appeared in the public, various discussions about the reasons for such a decision began, including one that the director of the CCUS was dissatisfied with some segments of the interview (including her statement that doctors who from CCUS went to work in other hospital “changed the aggregate state”, which was also mentioned in the announced BHT trailer), demanded its withdrawal, and that it was a clear case of censorship, as stated in the press release of the Association of BH journalists; acting  editor of the BHT News Program, Fadil Smajic, said that the editorial board did not know, participate, or was in any way informed about the existence of an interview until an announcement was made on the web portal. No official announcement either from BHRT or from CCUS was available in the next ten days, and then on November 4, in the evening, the interview was broadcast, without any announcement, and again without clarifying why it was originally withdrawn from the program.

(Un)professional approach and the silence of those responsible

What followed, more than the withdrawal of the interview, opened a number of still unanswered questions about the (un) professionalism of BHT’s approach to this interview. Firstly, on social networks and web portals, screen shot photos from the beginning and the end of the interview were published, from which it is clear that the interview has been recorder on two occasions, that is, that some questions were broadcast from the original interview, while the others were recorded later, after withdrawing the interview from program. On 5 November, BHRT Director Belmin Karamehmedovic confirmed this, saying that three questions and three answers were re-recorded, since “there were technical problems.” The director said that there were problems with microphones and lighting, and that technicians tried to save the material, which is why the interview was originally withdrawn, and the three responses had to be re-recorded since they were incorrect technically. BHRT decided to clarify the details in the prime time news, in order to, as Karamehmedovic said, “show that there is no political pressure in this case.” There was no official statement from the Clinical Center of the University of Sarajevo after the broadcast, but on 9. November portal of the STAV magazine published a complete transcript of the interview aired at BHT explaining that “with all the attacks and criticism, there was little talk of what was actually stated, that is, the content of the interview that we are presenting in full.”

This precedent in a journalistic approach to an interview opened a series of questions related to professional standards and BHT attitude towards them. In this article, we highlight some of them, in an attempt to look more objectively and try to understand the causes of this approach of BHRT, and in an attempt to make BHT management answer some of them to citizens/ public in the interest of restoring citizens’ trust to this media.

Why was the interview withdrawn and than broadcasted?

The key and most important question is why, in fact, the interview was withdrawn, or why it was not broadcast after it was recorded and announced? The explanation that there were technical problems is not unrealistic, but the question is why was this justification given only after the viewers / the public realized that the interview was re-recorded subsequently? It would be logical if, indeed, it was a matter of technical problems with one part of the interview, that the material that was reviewed and evaluated as technically satisfactory was broadcast at the time it was announced, with the explanation to the viewers that the interview was not complete, and that the second part will be broadcast later. But that did not happen. It is also so unlogical that when allocating portions of interviews for the announced trailer, no technical problems were identified and that the announcement was released on the web without a previous technical check of the entire interview. In other words, why the interview was not broadcast if it was announced, or why was it announced if it was not certain that it would be broadcast?

It remains unclear also who made the decision not to broadcast the interview? But, also, who made the decision about making it? Namely, if acting editor of the news program, one day after the non-publication of the interview, stated that the editorial board did not know about the withdrawal of the interview, nor did they know that the interview was recorded at all, who actually made a decision about the shooting, and then about withdrawing the interview? In other words, in which circles, in addition to editorial staff of the informative program, decisions are made on the content of the program? The journalist who worked on the first version of the interview was not part of the newsroom, and since the beginning of the case, besides closing up the Facebook profile on which she was the first to announce the interview, she is also on sick leave.

Authorization or beautification of the responses

It is important to know why the withdrawal of the interview was not explained to the viewers (?!), either in the period in which it was supposed to be broadcast (by addressing the one who did the interview and announced it as exclusive), or by the press release of the editorial board before that date (since afterwards all explanations had much less credibility and gave reasons for suspicion) or, in the form of a text that would appear on the screen during the broadcasting of the interview when it was finally broadcast. After this, logical question is why the interview has been re-recorded at all? Was it more logical to broadcast only the part that was not technically problematic? What are the arguments for re-recording of some questions?

The fact that some questions have been re-recorded opens at least two doubts: that these are questions agreed in advance with the interviewee, so the interview was re-recorded in accordance to that agreement, which is contrary to professional standards. Some analysts in the interpretation of this case mentioned, as possibility, that the intervieww had a right to authorization, which was the reason why the interview was originally withdrawn and then updated, but this also absolutely comes out of the scope of professional standards. Authorization is defined as a confirmation of the authenticity of a statement or text before publishing, and is customary for printed media, so that the interviewee is sure that the journalistic interpretation of his/her words is consistent, but it has nothing to do with pleasure or dissatisfaction of the interviewee with the interview. That is, it should not be possible for the interviewees to say whether the interview is in the end adequate enough to be published. That kind of decision is made solely by the journalist who did the interview, alone or in agreement with the editor, since professional interviews are conducted in accordance with the public interest, and not in accordance with the interest of the one who is the interviewee.

Less important journalistic ethics

It was unknown to viewers whether the content which was broadcast is a combination of original and re-recorded interview, and why was that not announced and explained to viewers?

In other words, how did the public service fail to recognize its obligation to explain to the public that what they were watching was not what was shot for the first time, and did not realize that silence would additionally trigger suspicion of manipulation? It is also unknown whether the BHRT management and / or editorial board of BHT had the intention to say to viewers that the interview was done on two occasions and broadcast as one, if the citizens / the public themselves did not spot the difference at the beginning and at the end of the interview, and reacted to it through social networks and texts in classical media? That is, why the professional standards were neglected  in the way that undoubted manipulation of the contents was made, which was presented as original, and recorded in two parts?

When it comes to recording the second part of the interview, since the author of the first interview was on sick leave, who has recorded second part of the interview and how was a journalist selected to complete the job? Does this violate the copyright of the journalist who did the first interview and was consulted?

And, perhaps, the most important issue in the whole case is why the director of BHRT addressed the public only after the whole story escalated, that is, who and how  estimated that in the first case (withdrawal of the interview) the director of BHT Mario Vrankić should speak to media, and in the case of crisis after broadcasting interview that should be BHRT director Belmin Karamehmedovic? And why  acting editor of the informative program addressed to the public only once, on his own initiative, in an attempt to protect his dignity and the dignity of his newsroom? In other words, did the BHRT finally realize that it was a crisis situation only when the re-recorded interview was brodcast, thinking that the way in which this case was solved was OK up to that time (announcement of the interview, and withdrawal without explanation, re-recording and broadcasting afterwards) and that there was no need to explain to the audience what was and why was happening?

In the end, we have to ask ourselves: does anyone (journalists, editors, editorial college, BHT management and the entire BHRT) think that professional standards have been violated in this case and will anyone be held accountable? Director Karamehmedovic tried to convince viewers that there was no political pressure to withdraw and re-record the interview, which is, although paradoxical, formally even somewhat correct, since prof.dr. Izetbegović is not the bearer of political function, but in any case it is a highly unprofessional approach and neglect of all professional standards.

Public accountability and post-crisis communication

What was supposed to be an exclusive interview and to bring a comparative advantage to BHRT in comparison to other media that tried to get this interview from the director of CCUS, has become a crisis situation, which the public service simply was not able to handle. None of the postulates of crisis communication (openness, acknowledgment of error, clear argumentation and timely informing of the public) was respected, and it turned out that in the system of work of this media there are inconsistencies, illogicality and mismatch, that decisions about the contents of the program are made by parts of the system that were not (nor should they be) competent. There is no doubt that the public service management interfered in editorial policy, but it remained unclear whether the management had communication with the management of CCUS when a decision was taken to withdraw and re-record an interview. This, in any case, leaves room for suspicion of pressure on the media, but for now we can not say with certainty whether it is a matter of censorship (prof. dr. Izetbegović’s request to see the interview before broadcast, as a kind of authorization and that it was broadcast when it fulfilled her criteria, for which there is no evidence or official statements for now) or self-censorship (management’s decision not to broadcast the original interview as it could cause dissatisfaction of the interviewee, and then to re-record it for some reason). Technical problems as an explanation would have seemed convincingly if they were offered to the public ten days earlier, and not only on November 5, in a statement by the director of BHRT.

This failure of BHT (and eventhose who know nothing about media can see that it is absolutely a matter of neglect of journalistic deontology), unfortunately, significantly ruined the credibility of this part of the public broadcasting system, which in most of the previous analysis of the program has shown a high degree of professionalism and independence. In fact, the biggest damage has been done to those professionals in BHT who work in terrible circumstances and who, despite the fact that they are without regular income and condemned to work on obsolete equipment, are doing their job responsibly, but the shadow of this non-professionalism fell on them. Also, to those who for years promoted the idea of the impossibility and unsustainability of the public service which is a service of citizens of whole B&H and is not subject to external influences, additional arguments are now given. A terrific own-goal , one would say using a sports dictionary. And in the sport, after the team loses the game because the team members played for the opponent, usually the selectors resign. For moral reasons. At the public service,  as a journalist-beginner would say, “it remains to be seen” what the epilogue will be in this game. For now there are selectors in their places, the players are obviously not being asked about the tactics, and for those who until the last moment have been enthusiastically cheering for the team, no arguments were left for that. The moral behavior was not obviously discussed even when such a tactic was developed behind the back of the public, and it does not seem to be discussed even after the game was lost. Much of this speaks not only about the public service, not just about journalism in B&H, but also about the society we live in. Unfortunately.

 

euThis article has been produced as a part of the project Western Balkan’s Regional Platform for advocating media freedom and journalists’ safety with the financial assistance of the European Union. The contents of this article are the sole responsibility of the BH Journalists Association and its authors, and can in no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the European Union.

UN demands more efficient protection of journalists from BiH state – media community believes that Media Ombudsman Office could contribute to better protection of journalists and media freedom

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MOSTAR, 06.12.2017. – Although Bosnia and Herzegovina can boast of laws protecting the media, freedom of speech and access to information, although the institutions are mouth full of the protection of human rights and media freedom, the real image of the media in B&H is completely different. Even what the state institutions record, and there are serious deficiencies, is just as bad as the real picture of the situation in which media and journalists find themselves. The Report on Freedom of Speech and Status of Media Freedom in B&H of the B&H Ministry of Human Rights and Refugees of B&H states that “the legal framework for the protection of freedom of expression and freedom of the media is generally considered as advanced and compatible with the highest international standards, but in practice there are fewer or major problems in the implementation of legal provisions “.

European legislation with poor practice

Year after year, the country declines in various analyses of the state of the news media, and the latest Report of the Reporters Without Borders says that B&H was ranked 65th in the free media in 2017. Although this report puts it in front of the countries in the region and in the first half of the group of 180 countries covered by the report, the fact that B&H has declined on this and similar charts for years is a good cause for concern. That the attention should be paid to the media freedom was also emphasized by the OSCE Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina stating that “the state that used to serve as an example of media freedom in the region, to some extent, has been losing its glory”.

Apart from the Laws and the Constitution guaranteeing freedom to media in B&H, besides the journalists’ associations, the Ombudsman for Human Rights is also responsible for the successful consumption of these freedoms. According to its definition, the Ombudsman for Human Rights of B&H is considering cases relating to weak functioning or violation of human rights by any body of Bosnia and Herzegovina, its Entities and Brčko District.

The Ombudsman Institution says that they consider all complaints related to violations of rights by the authorities in B&H, and in cases of discrimination and in the case of other legal and natural persons.

“The ombudsman Institution stands for freedom of expression and undisturbed media work in the society, which is a precondition for the development of every democratic society, and in the previous period, apart from addressing of journalists and media workers themselves, we have opened several ex officio cases which referred to threats to journalists or media workers, assaulting the same and similar”, which was stated from the Institution. They added that the Ombudsman Institution, as well as other national human rights institutions, cannot be a party in the proceeding. In addition, the Ombudsman’s institution states that it only “issues recommendations” and “advises citizens” if it finds a violation of rights. Thus, the Institution somehow admits that its hands are tied when it comes to concrete solutions.

Ombudsmen need to work more to protect the freedom of the media

This is also considered by Mehmed Halilović, media law expert and former media Ombudsman of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, who says that the need for such an institution is obvious but that it does not do what it is expected from it.

“The current Ombudsman institution is not doing enough to promote and protect media freedom,” Halilović said, emphasising that the Ombudsman Institution in B&H for the first time, this year, published a special report on the position of journalists and cases of threats. And in the abovementioned report of the Ombudsman, published in June 2017, under the heading “Special Report on the Position and Case of Threats to Journalists in B&H”, the general information on legislation and the Ombudsman’s views on the position of journalists are stated.

Hence, it was stated that the United Nations Human Rights Committee expressed concerns about the situation in B&H regarding the freedom of expression and harassment and intimidation of journalists, but also partly emphasizes the inefficiency of the institution itself, because it failed to obtain official information from the relevant institutions about endangering media freedom and threats to journalists. Although a guilt of this cannot be attributed to the institution itself but to the state, the fact is that the state feels no obligation towards the Ombudsman to approach a problem seriously and more seriously. How much the state is concerned about journalists, media and media freedoms is confirmed by the fact that only two parties have responded to the Ombudsman’s inquiries on the political view of the situation in journalism in B&H, while 11 did not consider it necessary to talk about this issue.

Prosecutor’s Office without any information on the attacks on journalists

On the other hand, the Prosecutor’s Offices in B&H, at all levels, could not give this institution information on the attacks on journalists because it cannot be specifically recorded by the system used by prosecutors. The UN Human Rights Council also warns that “the institutions in B&H do not keep records of data related to oppression and intimidation of journalists”.

Namely, according to data from the Prosecutor’s Office, there are no officially registered cases related to attacks on journalists for the period from 2012 to 2017, while the B&H journalists, for that period, record a total of 266 attacks on journalists. So, we come to different figures about the attacks on journalists and the violation of media freedom, depending on who publishes them, on which Ombudsman warned, suggesting a more serious approach to the problem. But, as usual, it will remain on the recommendations while the changes will be expected in practice.

Halilović, also, said that the role of the Ombudsman was of the values in the law but is almost unnoticed in practice.

“In general, they support the principles represented in the Laws on freedom of access to information, stand beside journalists and non-governmental organizations in defence of these principles, but show no great interest or success in concrete cases when authorities fail to fulfil their obligations and do not meet the specific requirements for access to information, ” says Halilović.

Ombudsman for Media

The Association of BH journalists in its objectives quotes the lack of permanent and professional protection of the rights and safety of journalists, freedom of expression and media in B&H through the Instruments of the Ombudsman for Human Rights in B&H. The Association advocates greater involvement in resolving disputes related to the application of the Freedom of Access to Information Act and advocates for the formation of a special media department at the Ombudsman institution.

The ombudsman Institution stated that it recognizes the need for increased work in the field of media freedom, as well as the position of persons working in the media or freelancers.

“Regarding the application of the Law on Free Access to Information in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Ombudsman Institution has issued a number of recommendations to the authorities and bodies with public authority every year, according to its statutory powers”, was stated from the Institution and added that they “follow the application of laws, act reactively to violations of rights, as well as preventively informing legislative bodies in B&H on these issues.”

Journalists (do not) believe in the efficiency of the ombudsman’s recommendations

However, journalists themselves are sceptical about the possibility for the Ombudsman for Human Rights Institution to help solving the obvious problems.

“I do not see the way that the Institution mentioned, or the Public Relations Office in the Ombudsman Institution could help journalists,” said Jurica Gudelj, a journalist from Mostar. “We now see the effects of the work of the Ombudsman and this institution is not in a position to assist citizens in their efforts to solve their problems. Journalists are faced with a series of problems and pressures each working day, and it is insignificant for them if a case is solved in a period of a half a year or a year.”, says Gudelj.

Elvir Padalović, a journalist from Banja Luka, states that his experience with the Ombudsman Institution relates to the fact that the institution has analysed the case reported by the editorial office and that they have received their opinion. Although there are no objections to this part of the Ombudsman’s work, he says that support to media must be more concrete.

”The question is how much the Ombudsman’s opinion is relevant in relation to other institutions, or how much is their opinion respected by others. Support to media has to be more concrete.” says Padalović.

However, regarding the question on the journalists’ allegations of slow response in the reaction and absence of a special media department, the Ombudsman for Human Rights Institution in B&H says that they are trying to conduct and end the investigation od each case as soon as possible.

“However, we must be aware that any person that consider itself deprived of rights perceives any reaction of power as too slow, which is a normal subjective feeling which, nevertheless, before any decision is made, we must objectively consider. Regarding the lack of a media department at the Ombudsman Institution, the absence of a department does not affect any way the exercising the rights of journalists and media workers who address the Ombudsman Institution. Of course, the possible opening of such a department or any other department that would be devoted to a part or exclusively of the mentioned matter is not excluded, but it depends on many objective factors, such as the number of appeals, available funds and others”, was concluded from the Ombudsman Institution for human rights of B&H.

And while the United Nations recommends to our country to take immediate action to fully investigate the alleged threats and intimidation of journalists and media and to ensure the protection of journalists, media workers and human rights activists from all attacks, and to investigate and deal with such attacks and to bring responsible parties to the face of justice, it seems that in a country that always has more important things than important ones, this too has to wait.

euThis article has been produced as a part of the project Western Balkan’s Regional Platform for advocating media freedom and journalists’ safety with the financial assistance of the European Union. The contents of this article are the sole responsibility of the BH Journalists Association and its authors, and can in no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the European Union.

MUP: Istražujemo napade na novinarku N1 i poslanicu Nove

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BEOGRAD, 6.12.2017. – Policija intenzivno radi na identifikaciji osoba koje su uputile pretnje novinarki N1 Mariji Antić i poslanici Nove stranke Mariniki Tepić, kako bi počinioci što pre bili pronađeni i privedeni nadležnim organima na dalje postupanje, naveo je MUP u odgovoru na pitanje Slobodne Evrope.

„Ministarstvo unutrašnjih poslova preduzima sve mere iz svoje nadležnosti i neće dozvoliti nikome da ugrožava bezbednost naših građana“ – ovo je odgovor koji je Slobodna Evropa dobila od MUP-a Srbije na pitanje da li će i, ako hoće, koje mere će MUP preduzeti da zaštititi profesionalni, lični integritet i sigurnost novinarke Antić i poslanice Tepić.

Narodna poslanica opozicione Nove stranke Marinika Tepić saopštila je da je podnela prijavu policiji zbog, kako je navela, organizovanih pretnji i poziva na ubistvo koje dobija od pojedinih desničarskih grupa putem serije tekstova na internet portalima i preko društvenih mreža.

To se dogodilo nakon što je u Skupštini Srbije pitala „šta fašista Džim Douson radi u Srbiji i u službenim prostorijama Palate Srbija, i to sa Mišom Vacićem“.

Novinarka TV N1 Marija Antić dobila je otvorene pretnje nakon intervjua sa francuskim humanitarcem Arnoom Gujonom.

Marija Antić je pre nekoliko dana sa Arnoom razgovarala o humanitarnoj pomoći koju on organizuje za Srbe sa Kosova, ali i o njegovom donedavnom političkom angažmanu sa takozvanim Identitarcima, francuskim ekstremno desničarskim političkim pokretom, nakon čega joj je sa internet portala i društvenih mreža upućena salva brutalnih pretnji.

BH Journalists Associations call on the police and the prosecution to effectively investigate death threats to journalists in BiH

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SARAJEVO/MOSTAR,  05.12.2017. –  The Steering Committee of BH Journalists Association strongly condemns verbal threats to journalists and media experts, including death threats, for reporting and commenting on the verdict of six Croatians from BiH and suicide of Slobodan Praljak in the ICTY courtroom.

Direct threats were addressed via Facebook or email to Sanjal Kajan, journalist Al Jazeera Balkans, Štefica Galić, editor of the portal Tačno.net, Arijani Sarajević Helać, editor of Federal Television and Lejla Turčilo, professor of the Faculty of Political Sciences in Sarajevo, as well as numerous other journalists who reported and expressed their opinion about the final verdict and suicide committed in ICTY.

The Steering Committee expresses concerns about hysteria and spreading the atmosphere of fear through media and social networks, and almost organized hate speech and brutal insults to all who have voiced their voice against the magnifying of the crimes and the convicted Croats from BiH.

We particularly emphasize the inadmissible and endangered use of the Hague Tribunal’s verdict to encourage nationalist passions and the spread of hatred, as we have witnessed in BiH since the Court was founded until its recent closure.

BH journalists call on the police authorities and the relevant prosecutors to conduct an effective and decisive investigation of the recent threats to journalists, and political leaders to publicly condemn this threats. Approving the threats and hate speech or the silence of politicians and public officials directly encourages the perpetrators, and creates a polygon plagued by hatred and distrust, with serious implications for the future of BiH society from the public communication space.

 

Steering Committee of BH Journalists Association 

OSCE Representative expresses concern for safety of journalists in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina

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SARAJEVO, 05.12.2017.-The OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media Harlem Désir today called on the authorities in Croatia and in Bosnia and Herzegovina to investigate numerous death threats against journalists and ensure their safety, following the recent conclusion of a war crimes court case at the UN International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY).

“I strongly condemn all threats against journalists, especially those aimed at silencing them. Authorities have an obligation to ensure that journalists have safe working conditions, and that persons threatening them are prosecuted,” Désir said.

According to journalists’ organizations in the two countries and numerous reports, many reporters and media outlets received messages containing various threats of abuse and violence, including death threats.

Among those who received threats were journalists from Croatia’s Index.hr portal who received a number of very serious insults and death threats on social media. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, journalists Sanel Kajan and Štefica Galić from Al Jazeera and the tacno.net portal respectively, were targeted with numerous threats on social networks, including threats of death and rape.

According to the information available, these and many other cases have been reported to police in the respective countries.

“I call on the authorities to condemn attacks at the highest level and conduct a swift investigation of all threats,” Désir said, adding that journalists have a right to report even on difficult issues.

The Representative also supports prompt public reactions by the Journalists’ Association of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Croatian Journalists’ Association.

BH journalists seek sanctioning of Dženan Selimbegović

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SARAJEVO, 05.12.2017. – BH journalists Association sent a public protest to the General Secretary office of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Boris Buha and his deputy, Dženana Selimbegović, on the occasion of inappropriate speech and misogyn comments by the public official / staff of the Secretariat of the BiH Presidency.

BH journalists have requested condemning inappropriate public announcement of the Deputy Secretary General of the BiH Presidency, Dženan Selimbegović, for publishing disputed content on his Facebook profile.

Pretnje Mariji Antić: Šta novinar mora da pita, a šta javnost ne želi da sazna

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BEOGRAD, 5.12.2017. – Činjenica da smo prvi put saznali sporne detalje iz biografije popularnog francuskog humanitarca Arnoa Gujona dovela je do toga da novinarki televizije N1 Mariji Antić ekstremisti prete smrću, a deo javnosti je osuđuje samo zato što je – postavila pitanja

„Jebem li ti mater kučko prodana. Ko si ti da Arnoa prozivaš, čovjeka koji je toliko ljudi pomogao! Jebem li vam mater svima redom u tom govnetu od televizije, zapaliti vas treba do temelja“, poruka je koju je novinarka N1 Marija Antić dobila preko Tvitera. „Zašto, droljo? Zbog novca?.. Želim ti da sav novac koji ovako zarađuješ potrošiš na lečenje svoje dece“, poručio joj je drugi besni građanin.

Razlog ovakvih uvreda jeste intervju koji je u okviru Novog dana, u petak, 1. decembra, vodila sa francuskim humanitarcem Arnoom Gujonom i pitanja koja mu je postavila. Tokom nepunih 12 minuta razgovora saznali smo da će na Fakultetu političkih nauka (FPN) u Beogradu Gujon održati predavanje „Humanost u 21. veku“, govoriti o svojoj knjizi „Svi moji putevi vode ka Srbiji“, te da će potom biti organizovan i humanitarni koncert.

Gujon je govorio kako je sa bratom 2004. u Francuskoj osnovao fondaciju „Solidarnost za Kosovo“ koja je do sada za Srbe na Kosovu prikupila humanitarnu pomoć u vrednosti „od pet miliona evra od preko 12.000 građana donatora“. Svake godine, kako je rekao, organizuju humanitarne konvoje za Kosovo, „renoviraju škole, grade farme, mlekare… za meštane enklava kako bi mogli da žive od svog rada“. Zbog svog angažmana, saznali smo, Gujon je dobio ne samo priznanja već i državljanstvo Srbije.

Tokom razgovora u kojem ni u jednom trenutku nije dovedena u pitanje pomoć koju je Gujon uputio Srbima na Kosovu, videli smo fotografije francuskog humanitarca sa građanima, decom, sveštenicima, koje su ilustrovale njegov rad.

Onda je nastupio „preokret“ u razgovoru iz kojeg smo saznali mnogo više o biografiji Arnoa Gujona, a nakon čega je Marija Antić dobila pretnje i uvrede ne samo anonimnih građana već i dela javnosti i medija ogorčenih zbog toga što se usudila da postavi pitanje koje odudara od očekivane promocije humanitarnog rada.

Pitanja koja su morala biti postavljena

U razgovoru za Cenzolovku Marija Antić kaže da je neposredan povod intervjua bila najava Gujonovog predavanja na FPN. „Kada sam se pripremala za razgovor, videla sam, uglavnom na stranim sajtovima, informacije o njegovom političkom angažmanu u Francuskoj i shvatila da bi sa moje strane bilo neprofesionalno da ga to ne pitam.“

Pitala ga je ono što su preskočili mnogi pre nje, praveći brojne intervjue sa Gujonom i emisije o njemu i njegovom radu: o članstvu u francuskoj neonacističkoj organizaciji Blok identitaraca i vezi sa srpskom desničarskom organizacijom Srpski narodni pokret 1389, sa kojom je 2009. učestvovao na „Vidovdanskom maršu“.

„Kada sam se pripremala za razgovor, videla sam, uglavnom na stranim sajtovima, informacije o njegovom političkom angažmanu u Francuskoj i shvatila da bi sa moje strane bilo neprofesionalno da ga to ne pitam“

Gujon je odgovarao mirno, odbijao bilo kakvu sumnju da je ikada bio ekstremista, već da se, naprotiv, zalagao protiv „razaranja muslimanskih zemalja“, da je prijatelj Srbije koji je, ne znajući „za srpske podele“, hodao u „Vidovdanskom maršu“ do Kosova, što je za njega bilo „neverovatno iskustvo“ i da mu je jedino bitno da se „ljudi okupljaju oko jednog dobrog cilja, a to je da se pomogne ljudima u enklavama na Kosovu i Metohiji“.

„Razgovor je bio civilizovan, civilizovano smo se rastali, rukovali se“, priča Marija Antić. „Tek u subotu, u medijima i na mrežama počinje ’razapinjanje’, a kada je Goran Davidović Firer (lider zabranjenog neonacističkog pokreta Nacionalni stroj) poslao poruku podrške Arnou, krenule su najgore uvrede i poruke od kojih je jedna otvorena pretnja.“

Oglasio se potom i Gujon žaleći se što nije imao priliku da dovoljno govori o svom humanitarnom radu i sa zaključkom u kojem napada N1: „Očigledno je da su se pažljivo pripremili za te napade i da su imali nameru da me demonizuju kako bi me prikazali kao lošeg momka. Pošto nisu uspeli u tome, onda su cenzurisali intervju i nisu ga objavili na svom sajtu.“

Cenzure nije bilo, ceo intervju je na sajtu, međutim – „necenzurisani“ komentari na društvenim mrežama pokazali su ozbiljnu patologiju dela javnosti.

Šta je naljutilo Gujona

„SRAMAN INTERVJU: Voditeljka htela da predstavi najvećeg humanitarca u Srbiji KAO FAŠISTU“ jedan je od prvih naslova (sajt Telegraf) koji su potom preneli i portali poput Večernjih novosti. Na društvenim mrežama je tokom naredna tri dana trajala debata o tome zašto je uopšte doveden u pitanje ugled čoveka, Francuza, koji pomaže Srbima na Kosovu.

„Vrlo je čudno to da se Gujon našao uvređenim zato što mu je postavljeno pitanje o političkom angažmanu, jer on u Francuskoj svoj politički stav ne samo da nije krio nego je sa njim javno istupao. Nije mi jasno zašto mu je neprijatno da se to u Srbiji pominje“, kaže Marija Antić.

„Kada je Goran Davidović Firer poslao poruku podrške Arnou, krenule su najgore uvrede i poruke od kojih je jedna otvorena pretnja“

U međuvremenu je portal Vice objavio tekst u kojem navodi detalje iz Gujonovih „mladih dana“, kada je bio potencijalni predsednički kandidat Bloka identitaraca, trener u njihovim kampovima, vatreni govornik protiv islama i zagovornik „autohtonog soja“ Evropljana, koji su u tom trenutku kao partneri bili previše ekstremni i za desničarski Nacionalni front Marin le Pen.

Ništa od toga do pre nekoliko dana javnost u Srbiji nije znala jer se nijedan medij nije ni potrudio da, baveći se humanitarnim radom Arnoa Gujona, iskoristi bar Google pretragu. Sredinom novembra bio je junak popularne emisije Život priča na TV Prva, u kojoj smo čuli romansiranu priču o tome „kako se borba za slabije, istinu i čast prenosila kao zavet u njegovoj porodici sa generacije na generaciju”, u kojoj su čitani odlomci Gujonove knjige, a on govorio o tome kako je na minus 10 spavao napolju, u vreći, putujući ka Kosovu, kako je učio srpski, kako je u Zvorniku upoznao svoju ženu, koje srpske pesme voli…

Odgovori koji se ne dopadaju i ne prihvataju

Marija Antić je imala potpuno drugačiji pristup, pitala je ono što bi Gujon da prećuti, a što njegovi poštovaoci izgleda ne žele da znaju. „Ono što je neshvatljivo jeste da deo javnosti u Srbiji ne zanima taj deo iz biografije Arnoa Gujona, koji sam u intervjuu samo zagrebala“, kaže Marija povodom brojnih negativnih komentara. „Ako im se nešto ne dopadne, to jednostavno odbijaju da prihvate.“

„Osećam da je moja bezbednost ugrožena, stvarno ne znam da li će neko na ulici da me udari zato što misli da sam ja neprijatelj srpskog naroda jer sam vodila razgovor sa Gujonom onako kako mu se ne dopada“

Neshvatljivo je da ni drugi mediji, osim portala Vice u tekstu „Novinarska pitanja nisu problem već neiskrenost Arnoa Gujona“ i N1 („Gujon prećutao da je znao teme razgovora“), u ovih nekoliko dana, kad već nisu ranije, nisu pokušali da naprave celovitu priču i o Gujonu – od toga šta radi sada do toga za šta se zalagao nekada. Osim ponavljanja kako je on veliki srpski prijatelj i prepisivanja onoga što je sam rekao da je uradio za Srbe na Kosovu, nema drugih podataka.

I potpuno je poražavajuće da se, osim NUNS-a, do sada nijedna organizacija nije oglasila u odbranu Marije Antić. Nekoliko kolega na društvenim mrežama, kojima je ona, kaže, jako zahvalna, pružilo joj je podršku.

„Osećam da je moja bezbednost ugrožena, stvarno ne znam da li će neko na ulici da me udari zato što misli da sam ja neprijatelj srpskog naroda jer sam vodila razgovor sa Gujonom onako kako mu se ne dopada.“

Ne očekuje zaštitu i pored toga što su redakcija i televizija N1 stale iza nje. „Arno Gujon svojim kontinuiranim objavama na društvenim mrežama obmanjuje javnost da N1 protiv njega vodi kampanju, i otvara prostor za hajku tabloida na N1 i našu novinarku… Rezultat Gujonove kampanje protiv N1 jesu brojne pretnje zbog kojih će N1 podneti krivične prijave tužilaštvu“, saopšteno je iz ove televizije.

Marija Antić na kraju poručuje: „Radim svoj posao, nastaviću i dalje isto tako. Posao novinara nije da bira šta će da saopšti, a šta da pita, niti da razmišlja da li će nekome da se dopadne istina ili ne, naš posao je da kažemo istinu.“

PRETNJE POSLANICI O KOJIMA VEĆINA MEDIJA ĆUTI

Da ni vlast ni nadležne institucije, pa ni većinu medija u Srbiji ne interesuje ko su sve humanitarci koji preko Srbije stižu do Kosova, pokazuje i slučaj Džejmsa Dousona. Početkom novembra poslanica Nove stranke Marinika Tepić postavila je u Narodnoj skupštini pitanje šta u Srbiji radi Škot Douson kome je zbog ekstremnih stavova zabranjen ulazak u Grčku i Mađarsku, ali ne i u Vladu Srbije gde se u službenim prostorijama slikao sa liderom pokreta 1389 i bivšim savetnikom u Kancelariji za KiM Mišom Vacićem. Među neverovatnim podacima koje su objavili portali KRIK i Balkan Insight o vitezovima templarima, Redu zmaja i Dousonu, koji se slika po srpskim manastirima i donira im novac, a sudeći po fotografijama, snabdeva i maskirnim uniformama i dronom, objavljeno je objašnjenja Dousonovog saradnika da je Red zmaja pokušavao da napravi „odbrambenu grupu za reakciju“, odnosno odbranu Srba na Kosovu. Ni ova priča nije bila dovoljno inspirativna za druge medije da pokušaju da nastave dalje istraživanje i postave pitanja vlastima imaju li, recimo, ovi „vitezovi“, kako tvrde, „medijski centar“ u Srbiji. Malo ko je preneo dosadašnja saopštenja Nove stranke o „prikrivenim pretnjama“ Dousona Mariniki Tepić i obraćanje nadležnim organima. U poslednjem saopštenju stranka obaveštava da je Marinika Tepić 4. decembra podnela prijavu zbog „organizovanih pretnji, pa čak i poziva na ubistvo, koje dobija od desničarskih grupa, kako preko serije tekstova na internet portalima, tako i preko društvenih mreža“.

Kikinda finansira tabloidna glasila vlasti

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KIKINDA, 4.12.2017. – Razgovor povodom Fejsbuk objave Željka Bodrožića, vlasnika i glavnog i odgovornog urednika nedeljnika Kikindske o pritiscima koje trpi.

Na svom Fejsbuk nalogu, 30.11.2017. Željko Bodoržić objavio da Kikindske nastavljaju da rade uprkos velikim pritiscima:

Još jedan broj Kikindskih, 982. po redu (petak, 1. decembar 2017). 
Od kako nas je vlast eliminisala sa konkursa i zatvorila nam skoro sve prilaze oglašivačima, mi živimo od petka do petka i svaka nedelja liči kao da je poslednja u kojoj ćemo odštampati novine. Saznao sam da lokalne glavešine zovu i ovo malo oglašivača što nam je ostalo, da ih “ubeđuju” kako im nije pametno što se reklamiraju ili oglašavaju kod nas i tome slično. Neke od oglašivača zasigurno ne zovu, ali im verovatno spremaju neku vanrednu kontrolu poslovanja.
Čujem kako govore da smo beznačajni, njihov podli glasnogovornik piše kako prodamo 100-200 primeraka nedeljno, pa opet upinju iz sve snage da nas ugase?! Nažalost po nas, a i šire, sila je to a i pokvareni su do srži, i moram priznati da su nam dobro zagorčali život. Ali, drugarice i drugovi, nema predaje. Sledeći cilj je petak, 8. decembar 

Kako bi saznao više o dešavanjima koje Bodrožić spominje, NUNS je razgovarao sa njim. Prenosimo razgovor.

NUNS: Kažete da vas je vlast „eliminisala sa konkursa“ za finansiranje sadržaja projekata od javnog interesa. Šta se tačno dogodilo?

BODROŽIĆ: U Kikindi je na konkursu za sufinansiranje medijskih projekata početkom godine podeljeno skoro 200.000 evra, a komisija sastavljena od već sada poznatih naprednjačkih izvršioca iz RAB-a i Organizacije turističkih novinara, dodelila je lokalnoj televiziji više od 10 miliona dinara i drugim lokalnim novinama u gradu, nekadašnjim opštinskim, četiri i po miliona, a to su dva glavna stuba propagande lokalne vlasti. Potom je sa skoro milion dinara čašćen lokalni portal, kažem čašćen jer je osnovan nešto pre raspisivanja konkursa, a osnovao ga je kamerman sa pomenute televizije, član SNS-a. Komisija je kao po nekom spisku, a to se dalo shvatiti kada je isti scenario ponavljan i na svim drugim lokalnim konkursima tokom godine, dodelila dva miliona novosadskom Dnevniku,  milion i po beogradskom portalu Srbija danas, pola miliona beogradskom tabloidu Srpski telegraf – u pitanju su glasila u službi vlasti. Uz njih, pola miliona je dobio i novosadski Vojvođanski magazin Gorana Karadžića, moćnog čoveka u našoj oblasti, saradnika aktuelnog režima. Svi ti mediji, plus tabloid Informer, dobili su desetine miliona dinara  u toku ove godine na lokalnim konkursima u Vojvodini, a sastav komisija bio je manje više sličan kikindskoj. A na dnu liste kikindskog konkursa bile su Kikindske sa 200.000 dinara, a ispod nas samo lokalni portal Civilon sa 90.000. Ni mi ni oni nismo potpisali ugovore jer bi tako dali legitimitet skandaloznim odlukama, međutim, dok smo mi nastavili da izlazimo, osnivači portala su rešili da nakon tri godine prekinu sa radom. Očigledno im nije pomoglo ni to što su se uglavnom klonili politike, jednostavno nisu bili slepi poslušnici lokalne vlasti i to im je došlo glave.

Kakvi su bili projekti koji su zavredili toliku podršku komisije i kakva su bila obrazloženja?

– Ceo konkurs u našem gradu je najblaže rečeno otvoreno ismevanje Zakona o javnom informisanju i Pravilnika o sufinansiranju, počev od izbora komisije pa do njenih odluka i obrazloženja. Lokalna televizija Rubin je dobila šest i po miliona za projekat “TV Prozor”, nekakav kolaž već emitovanih priloga, a još četiri miliona za svoj sajt, na kojem se objavljuju isti ti prilozi. Druge lokalne novine u gradu, koje posluju u mreži lokalnih novina po Vojvodini u vlasništvu Dušana Stupara, dobile su četiri i po miliona za projekat “Informisanje javnosti o radu ustanova obrazovanja u Kikindi i selima”, koji podrazumeva 50 tekstova o školama u našem kraju, što će reći da produkcija jednog teksta o radu neke škole na jednoj strani tih novina košta više od 80.000 dinara?! Tako banalno, a tako skupo. Opskurni Srpski telegraf dobija pola miliona da objavljuje na svom portalu “Priče iz Kikinde”, a komisija u obrazloženju kaže da će, citiram, “realizacija projekta doprineti podizanju kvaliteta, aktuelnosti i kreativnosti informisanja”, da će “doprineti unapređenju kulturnog stavralaštva uvažavajući multikulturalnost i obeležja Kikinde”, a povodom mnogih izrečenih mera Saveta za štampu protiv ovog tabloida, komisija kaže da ovom odlukom “podržava aplikanta da se u budućem radu pridržava preporuka Saveta za štampu i poštuje pravila novinarskog kodeksa”. Znamo koliko se Srpski telegraf pridržavao tokom ove godine kodeksa i vidimo koliko su pare iz kikindskog budžeta doprinele da se ta redakcija popravi.

U svom postu ste spomenuli da su vam zatvoreni skoro svi prilazi oglašivačima. Ko je ta vrata zatvorio i kako?

– Pa, prvo su nam zatvorili prilaze javnom sektoru. Naprimer, “Toplana” u svim medijima objavljuje novogodišnju čestitku, a meni direktor kaže, kada ga podsetim da su i naši čitaoci korisnici usluga te jedine toplane u gradu, da jednostavno ne može da se oglasi sa čestitkom i u našim novinama i moli me da shvatim u kakvom je položaju. Ove godine su nas bezobrazno eliminisali sa tendera za javno oglašavanje Gradske uprave i posao dodelili drugim novinama. Mi smo početkom 2016. godine pobedili na tom tenderu, tako što smo bili dva i po puta jeftiniji od konkurencije, ali su nam za ovu godinu pripremili zasedu, tako što su u projektnoj dokumentaciji sitnim slovima uneli klauzulu da mogu konkurisati samo lokalne novine koje su u kontinuitetu i bez prekida izlazile tokom 2015. i 2016. godine, znajući da mi nismo izlazili tokom dva meseca u proleće 2015. godine, nakon što nas je Poreska uprava greškom blokirala. Tako da nešto što nije bilo bitno prošle godine sada se ispostavilo kao uslov za konkurisanje i na tenderu su se pojavile samo njihove novine i dobile još dva miliona dinara iz gradskog budžeta u ovoj godini. A poslednjih meseci kreće i pritisak na ovo malo oglašivača koje imamo. To sam saznao od jednog od njih i nisam se iznenadio, jer znam na šta je sve spreman Milenko Jovanov kako bi nekoga ponizio i zgazio. On je taj koji pravi istrage po Vojvodini ko se gde oglašava, a onda izdaje naređenja lokalnim predsednicima da upozore te oglašivače da im nije pametno to što rade.

Koje su posledice po Kikindske, vas i vaše novinare?

– Mi smo skoro dodirnuli dno. Poslednjih meseci radimo skoro bez ikakvih primanja, a opstajemo zahvaljujući entuzijazmu nas nekoliko u redakciji i nesebičnoj pomoći naših kolumnista. Nadamo se da će neko uvideti da su malobrojni lokalni slobodni mediji na kolenima i da im se nekako treba pomoći. Mi smo predložili da nekoliko lokalnih novina udruži snage sa beogradskim Danasom, da se takav projekat podrži od donatora, jer ima smisla i nije skup, ali slobodne lokalne novine u Srbiji možete izbrojati na prste jedne ruke i zaista je teško naći dovoljno partnera za takav projekat, što je već sama po sebi alarmantna činjenica, a i plašim se da ćemo se teško probiti do neke organizacije koja podržava i pomaže slobodu informisanja, jer smo mi iz lokalnih medija, zaista, na repu interesovanja i prioriteta.

Kakve su posledice za građane Kikinde?

– Nažalost, Kikindske su ostale jedini slobodni medij u Kikindi, pošto su u poslednje dve godine ugašeni jedna televizija, jedan radio i jedan portal, i građani su već uglavnom prepušteni propagandi koju seju naprednjački mediji. Mi u ovakvom okruženju i bez pomoći očigledno nećemo još dugo, tako da će Kikinđani, a i meštani okolnih sela čitati, slušati i gledati samo vesti o nikad većim uspesima lokalne vlasti i nikad većem napretku Srbije u novijoj istoriji, ali i komentare i istraživanja o zloj i plaćeničkoj opoziciji i tome slično. U dve reči – medijski mrak.

CJA condemns threats against journalists on account of their reports on Praljak’s suicide

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ZAGREB, 04.12.2017. – Croatian Journalists’ Association (CJA) condemns threats, including even death threats, against journalists and media on account of reporting on verdicts for six BH Croats and suicide of general Slobodan Praljak in the courtroom of the  International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, ICTY.

The main target of those threats were journalists and media that pointed out in their articles the fact that the accused, general Praljak included, were convicted for war crimes.

CJA also condemns journalists and media that violated basic ethical and professional principles by publishing headline grabbing contents as well as those that by populist rhetoric serve political purposes and not public interest, HRT, the public media service, included.

It is inadmissible and ultimately dangerous to use ICTY’s rulings and general Praljak’s suicide to encourage nationalistic emotions and dissemination of hate.

We remind once more that Croatian political leaders avoid to speak out against attacks against journalists who do their job responsibly; one part of them even participate in those attacks by supporting journalists and media that violate ethical and professional principles.