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Najavljeno svedočenje pripadnika obezbeđenja koji je bio nedaleko od mesta ubistva Ćuruvije

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BEOGRAD, 16.02.2018. – U nastavku suđenja za ubistvo Slavka Ćuruvije, novinara i vlasnika Dnevnog telegrafa i Evropljanina, u sredu 17. januara, očekuje se svedočenje Nenada Radovića, pripadnika redakcijskog obezbeđenja koji je bio dežuran na dan ubistva. Iz suda najavljuju i da će biti “izvođena i pisana dokumentacija”.

Radović je još jedan pripadnik obezbeđenja koje je do sada  predložila odbrana okrivljenih, smatrajući da je Tužilaštvo za organizovani kriminal pogrešilo što ove svedoke nije predložilo i što oni nisu saslušani.

Sa druge strane, Slobodan Ružić, advokat dece ubijenog novinara, Radeta i Jelene Ćuruvije, smatra da je pozivanje ovih svedoka pokušaj odbrane „da stvori sliku da je možda neko drugi ubio Slavka Ćuruviju“, što je, kako je nedavno izjavio, „besmisleno, jer ti momci nisu bili pripadnici obezbeđenja Slavka Ćuruvije već redakcije Dnevnog telegrafa i Evropljanina“.

Slavko Ćuruvija ubijen je na Uskrs 11. aprila 1999. godine u haustoru zgrade pored koje je živeo. Po povratku iz šetnje, u društvu Branke Prpe, njemu je sa leđa prišao ubica i ispalio 17 metaka u glavu, vrat i leđa, dok je Branku Prpu, prema optužnici, drškom pištolja u desnu stranu potiljka udario pomagač kako ne bi videla ubicu.

Svedok bio nedaleko od mesta ubistva

Pozvani svedok Radović je u trenutku ubistva – prema onome što su do sada svedočile njegove kolege iz obezbeđenja redakcije DT – sedeo u portirnici dvorišne zgrade u kojoj se u prizemlju nalazila izmeštena redakcija Dnevnog telegrafa, a u potkovlju iste zgrade stan Slavka Ćuruvije. Portirnica je gledala na dvorište i parking, i nalazila se oko 30 metara udaljena od mesta ubistva.

Svedok Igor Kokot, jedan od pripadnika obezbeđenja redakcije Dnevnog telegrafa i Evropljanina, ispričao je 17. novembra 2017. godine pred tročlanim sudskim većem Posebnog odeljenja Višeg suda u Beogradu, kojim predsedava sudija Snežana Jovanović, da ga je telefonom pozvao Radović i saopštio mu da je Ćuruvija ubijen, da misli da je Prpa povređena i pitao ga šta da radi.

Prema svedočenju Kokota, pet do šest dana pre ubistva, Slavko Ćuruvija nije izlazio iz svog stana. Na dan ubistva, kad je sa Brankom Prpom izašao, pozvao ga je dežurni Radović i pitao da li treba da pođe za nijima, na šta mu je Kokot odgovorio da ne treba i da Slavko i Branka idu na ručak.

U trenutku ubistva, rekao je Kokot, Radović je sedeo u portirnici i čuo vrištanje Branke Prpe. Istrčao je i video Ćuruviju kako leži na zemlji, Prpu pored njega i nikoga više. Pola sata nakon toga, Kokot je stigao do mesta ubistva, Slavkovo telo bilo je prekriveno, ljudi su se već okupili, a policija nikome nije dozvoljavala pristup. Sa Radovićem i još jednim penzionerom iz obezbeđenja proveo je noć na mestu ubistva.

S poštovanjem o Ćuruviji

Za ubistvo Slavka Ćuruvije osumnjičen je tadašnji vrh Resora državne bezbednosti Srbije: prvookrivljeni Radomir Marković, nekadašnji načelnik Resora državne bezbednosti Srbije tereti se da je organizovao ubistvo, zajedno sa drugookrivljenim Milanom Radonjićem, u to vreme netom postavljenim načelnikom Centra Resora državne bezbednosti Beograd. Kao izvršioc okrivljen je rezervista RDB Miroslav Kurak, koji je u bekstvu a kao pomagač Ratko Romić, nekadašnji glavni inspektor Druge uprave RDB.

U danima pre ubistva  Ćuruviju je u smenama pratilo 27 pripadnika Devetog, pratećeg, odeljenja Resora državne bezbednosti. Njima je naređeno da se povuku sa položaja neposredno pre zločina.

Suđenje je počelo u junu 2015. godine, do sada su saslušani svi svedoci optužbe. Odbrana je  pozvala svega nekoliko svedoka, a među njima i pripadnike obezbeđenja redakcije Dnevnog telegrafa i Evropljanina, od kojih su do sada već svedočili šef obezbeđenja Darko Popivoda (17. oktobra 2017.), Igor Kokot (17. novembra), Dejan Mihajlović (28. novembra) i Nenad Kokot (21. decembra).

Prema onome što su ispričali, bili su angažovani kao obezbeđenje redakcije DT-a i Evropljanina kako bi je zaštitili od pretnji. Igor Kokot je izjavio da je njegov posao bio da zaustavlja ljude na ulazu i pita ih gde idu. Rekao je da niko od njih nije bio obezbeđenje Slavka Ćuruvije, istakavši da on zna šta znači biti lično obezbeđenje, jer je taj posao radio za jednog od političara.

O Ćuruviji su govorili s poštovanjem, kao o veoma korektnom poslodavcu kome su se trudili da pomognu i pored neredovnih primanja u vreme kada je država počela da ga proganja i oduzimanjem sredstava i imovine. Napominjali su da su ga ponekad pratili na tribinima koje je organizovao u danima kada se borio za pravo da slobodno izdaje novine.

Vucic is no ‘victim’ of the Serbian media

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BELGRADE, 16.12.2018. – A letter to Mogens Blicher Bjerregard, president of European Federation of Journalists, on the eve of his visit to Serbia.

Dear Mr Bjerregard,

I am a journalist from Serbia and work for an NGO, the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network, at its office in Serbia.

I have seen that numerous people have written to you from Serbia and have decided to do the same, to help you to better understand the media situation in this country.

I was especially motivated to write to you after Suzana Vasiljevic did so from the position of Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic’s special media envoy.

Her letter and announcement refers to an initiated debate, once again, about the situation in the media in Serbia, about the position of independent media in Serbia as well as about the way President Vucic has been presented in the media.

Contrary to the information that you’ve probably got from Serbia’s Independent Association of Journalists, she would like to present you with a different perspective about the media situation, from the point of view of President Vucic.

Moreover, she has asked you to find time to meet him, probably to learn directly from him, because he is the most “attacked man” in the Serbian media. I believe that this is the idea behind Vasiljevic’s message addressed to you.

It is not my intention to alter any feelings you are going to have after meeting Vucic; no, I just want to stress some other things that I believe you probably know better than me.

First, it is an honour to be presented personally to the president and I do hope you appreciate it.

Vucic strongly believes that the media is one of the key elements in the political life of any country – and he likes the media. As a young apprentice to Vojislav Seselj, the leader of the Serbian Radical Party, in the early Nineties, he was a media correspondent from Pale, a village near Sarajevo that acted as a centre of Serbian military forces in Bosnia during the 1992-5 war.

His mother was a journalist, his first wife is a journalist, and his second wife has a journalistic background.

Maybe you know some similar cases in the EU, although I couldn’t find one, of a president with such strong, substantial connections to the media.

BIRN has reported about the way he took remote control of all the mainstream media in Serbia since he came to power in 2012, by controlling the mechanisms of the money flow towards the media.

His close associates move into the media, buying the market with their agencies, and installing themselves as bosses of all the advertising budgets in the country. We are talking about an amount of 150 to 170 million euros per year.

Once you control the money flow, it is easy to control media content – which is why the bulk of the “independent” media call him the main editor of all tabloids and mainstream TV stations in the country.

Credible analysis reveals the absolute dominance of Vucic and his Progressive Party in the media compared to all the other actors in Serbian political life.

He is going to say, of course, that only two tabloids and one TV station are on his side – but this is far from the truth.

Those who criticize his governance are marginalised on the market and those who glorify his policies are rewarded; that’s the whole picture of the media in Serbia in terms of the “free market”.

On the other side are several online outlets, one daily and two weekly papers.

The online outlets are totally dependent on international donations, which is why they have been marked out as foreign agents and “false media”.

The daily and two weeklies circulate only in Belgrade because they do not have the resources to print and distribute for a bigger circulation. Danas, Vreme and NIN together sell around 20,000 copies, which is nothing in a country of 7.5 million citizens.

Vucic will say, however, that the fact that they are on the market is evidence that there is no kind of censorship in Serbia but that, on the contrary, Serbia has a press freedom that goes far beyond normal democratic standards.

He will argue also that people now use social networks to communicate and share content, and most of these people are not his voters, and there is no way of controlling communication and content sharing on social networks.

For me, however, the fact that the president wants to meet you to explain the media situation in the country, and his position as a victim of vicious journalism, is proof of everything we are saying about the nature of his governance: one man wants to have control over every single aspect of the life in Serbia, which I do not recognise as democratic way of governing.

If I’m lying and delusional, then why on earth does the president of the country facing a mass of other important issues, want to debate with the president of a journalistic organisation, when there are other institutions competent to work in this area?

Why is it not enough for the culture and information ministry or some other government agency to explain the media situation in the county? What is wrong with them doing this – especially when those people were chosen for this role by Vucic and his party?

Once again, thank you for your time and sorry if I had been intrusive. I do hope that you have good time in Belgrade next week and find time to enjoy Serbian hospitality in the proper manner.

All the best,

Slobodan

Freedom House Report Notes Serbia’s Downward Trend

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WASHINGTON, 16.01.2018. – A new report from the US rights watchdog says lack of media freedom, corruption, and weak institutions remain issues throughout the Balkans – but singles out Serbia’s growing authoritarianism as a matter of concern.

The US-based watchdog Freedom House’s annual Freedom in the World report, published on Tuesday, marked Bosnia, Montenegro, Kosovo, Macedonia and Albania as only “partly free”, while some countries, like Serbia, experienced a downward trend.

In Serbia, the report warned that the EU’s tolerance of President Aleksandar Vucic’s authoritarianism had allowed him to ”further sideline the opposition and undermine what remains of the independent media after winning the country’s presidency in April”.

“Serbia received a downward trend arrow due to … Vucic’c continued consolidation of power, including through opaque party financing methods, politicization of law enforcement, and attempts to undermine critical journalists with financial investigations and smears in government-friendly media,” it said.

An editor with Freedom House, Shannon O’Toole, told BIRN that independent journalists and NGO workers in the Balkans have done indispensable work exposing crime, corruption, and right abuses.

“And they do this knowing that they could face intimidation or become the target of smear campaigns, or even experience physical violence as a result of their work. International organizations have a duty to help empower them as they work to defend political rights and civil liberties across the region,” she added.

The report said that events in the Western Balkans demonstrated a need for continued engagement in the region by major democracies.

“In Macedonia, mediation by Washington and Brussels helped resolve a years-long political crisis, paving the way for a new, democratically elected government,” the report pointed out.

The annual report on political rights and civil liberties evaluated the state of freedom in 195 countries and 14 territories during 2017.

In Bosnia, the report said that politics remain characterized by severe partisan gridlock among nationalist leaders of the country’s Bosniak, Serb, and Croat communities.

“Corruption remained widespread, and there remains little political will to combat it. Educational institutions remain ethnically fractured,” the report underlined.

It added that Bosnian journalists continue to face obstruction and harassment.

The report added that Bosnia’s NGO sector remains robust. “However, organizations and individuals do encounter interference and pressure from political and other figures.”

In Kosovo, the report underlined that while the country holds credible and reasonable well-administered elections, its institutions “remain weak” and the court system is “notably underdeveloped, and access to due process is not guaranteed”.

“The media environment has not improved. Journalists continue to face harassment, intimidation, and physical attacks,” it said.

In Albania, the Freedom House report said the country has a record of competitive elections, although parties are highly polarized and often focused on leading personalities.

“Monitors found the 2017 parliamentary elections to be generally orderly and credible, though there were reports of vote-buying and procedural problems, and the vote was delayed due to an opposition boycott,” it noted.

“Corruption remains a concern, and the intermingling of powerful business, political, and media interests inhibits the development of truly independent news outlets,” it added.

Bulgaria has a democratic electoral system that has seen several transfers of power between rival parties in recent decades, the report said. However,  it added, political corruption and organized crime remain problems.

“Political discourse is marred by hate speech against minority groups and foreigners, especially from smaller, right-wing parties,” it warned.

The Bulgarian media sector, it said, remains pluralistic but ownership concentration is a problem, and news outlets often tailor coverage to suit the interests of their owners.

It also noted that while the flow of refugees and migrants into the country decreased in 2017, their mistreatment by security forces and vigilante border patrol groups is a matter of concern.

The report said that in Croatia, civil and political rights are generally respected, “though problems with corruption in the public sector persist”.

It noted that the government has been hesitant to address concerns about politicization of reforms to the education system.

“Far-right elements coalesced around a movement aimed at defending a slogan associated with the Nazi-supported Ustaše regime that ran Croatia during World War II,” it added.

On Montenegro, the report pointed out that a political and institutional crisis continued in 2017, as the opposition maintained its boycott of the parliament, claiming that the 2016 elections were fraudulent.

It also said that journalists in Montenegro continued to face political pressure, and the media landscape remains highly partisan. It noted that the public broadcaster demonstrated increased independence in 2017, but the shift prompted criticism of the broadcaster by ruling party members.

The report said Romania’s multiparty system has ensured regular rotations of power.

“Civil liberties are generally respected, though ongoing concerns include police brutality, and discrimination against Roma and other vulnerable groups,” it said.

It added that civil society is robust and plays a key role in holding the government and lawmakers accountable.

The report recalled that, in 2017, there were major protests against proposals seen as damaging to anti-corruption efforts.

“A number of television broadcasts that aired while early-year anti-corruption protests were taking place made false claims about the protests’ nature, including that demonstrators sought to stage a coup, or were funded by the Hungarian-American philanthropist George Soros,” the report noted.

It concluded that concerns remain about the poor conditions in Romania’s prisons.

Former mayor’s defamation lawsuit dropped against TherandaPost

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PRISTINA, 15.01.2018 – The court in Suhareke dropped the 2015 lawsuit of former mayor of this town against a local news portal. The lawsuit on defamation of Sali Asllanaj was issued beyond legal limits.

In 2015, former mayor of Suhareke/Suvareka, Sali Asllanaj sued local portal TherandaPost for defamation and asked 4.500 euro compensation related to an article.

The charges claimed defamation in an article in TherandaPost related to City’s Library which opened several months late. A statement of the then mayor Sali Asllanaj, which was included in the story, claiming the City Library was equipped with inventory and it would open soon.

“TherandaPost verified his statement and we haven’t seen any inventory there. In contrary, it opened after eight months,” Brahim Thaqi, editor and journalist at TherandaPost, told AJK.

Asllanaj filed lawsuit on November 5, 2015 at Basic Court in Prizren, Suhareka branch, while the first and only session occurred on January 15, 2018, a bit more than two years.

“The plaintiff, for alleged defamation was informed on the day of article’s publication and this can be proved from the indictment itself, in which the same person addressed three days later after the publication of the article with the request to make corrections in the story,” said Qazim Hasanaj, defending attorney.

On December 28, 2015, the Association of Journalists of Kosovo condemned the actions of former mayor Sali Asllanaj who blocked access to journalist Thaqi to attend the end-of-year press conference.

Years later, AJK understood from journalists Brahim Thaqi and Uran Haxha from Koha.net that were not allowed to participate as media at mayor’s press conference.

“He continuously refuses to answer us, refuses to answer our journalists,” Thaqi said.

Association of Journalists of Kosovo, in its 2017 report, stated that 59 lawsuits against defamation are filed at Basic Court in Pristina. The plaintiffs include high state officials against media, judges and prosecutors, and media suing each other for defamation.

Some of the lawsuits have so far closed down because the plaintiff did not show interest in the case and as such the cases were passing legal frames.

Munir Podumljak: Non-transparent links between political elites and their economic satellites lead to the state with captive societies

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SARAJEVO, 15.01.2018.- It would be easier to have access to information regarding the geological chemical structure of the surface on the Mars, then to get information about the real and actual media owners of media financial supports that are in charge with the process of developing and setting up the collective consciousness amongst the public that simply follow them blindly.

What consequences can be expected from ties imposed by politics and media to general society and community, based on fundamental democratic values?

Non-transparent links and ties between politics and, or more precisely, between the political elite and their economic puppets, lead to the state with captive societies in them, which I had basically described five years ago. Captive and enslaved societies represent the state where, despite occasional changes in construction by those performing the public and official functions, there are no significant and notable changes (in these societies) as far as culture, democracy, ethics, and integrity by the governing authority officials is concerned. In fact, these societies have been considered as resistant to reforms, because the potential that would generate the changes (private economic sector, civil society and media field) has been imprisoned into the networks of political and individual interests thus damaging the universal values of the society. In simple terms, changes may occur in such societies, because the majority that would eventually have the capacity and will to change this is already the constituent part of the existing system and they are satisfied and happy with it so far.

What is so specific about the regional countries regarding the regulation of transparency of ownership over media houses, including media financing, in comparison to traditional democratic countries in Western Europe?

Specificity of the region, in terms of the regulation defining and adjusting the ownership transparency issues, actually confirms the fact that it would be easier to have access to information regarding the geological chemical structure of the surface on Mars, then to get information about the real and actual media owners of media financial supporters that are in charge with the process of developing and setting up the collective consciousness amongst the public that simply follow them blindly. Although the Balkan region appeared as some kind of black hole (in relation with the media ownership transparency issues), tectonic and vast changes in this context indeed took place throughout Europe for the period of last ten years. With the increase of media influence, non-transparent capital in media has been increased accordingly, by both, political groups and (even) states (such as China and Russia), but also by organized crime groups that, (slowly but surely), comprehended the importance of influence and impact on media, all with the purpose of protecting their own criminal actions, activities and acquired powerful status in their community and even wider society. The result of these emerging trends was best seen through the increased number of false news, appearance of extremism, nationalism, xenophobia and conspiracy theory which altogether resulted in the establishment and development of populist movements that managed to seriously disturb and shake Western civilization that we know. British UKP and referendum on leaving the EU also represented the example of the above-mentioned impact on media particularly in the area of the internet, including the sharing of news and information through social media. What the consumers and users of such information failed to understand was that fact that serious amounts of money, (including serious state re and public organizations and political elites that through this way wanted to disable common sense – based and civic collective action) actually served as primary back up for the creation, production and distribution of such news.

Why is the transparency of media financing considered important for regional countries/candidates for full EU membership?

Bearing in mind the temporary crisis and destabilization of Europe, which emerged as a result of the recent Great Britain referendum, the European Commission, including other the European Union based bodies, along with the significant number of member countries, decided to take this issues into more serious consideration. According to this, the whole line of legal regulation was passed aimed and goal to produce clearer picture of financial, political and ownership impact on media, also allowing organized and financially powerful groups to, (by the use of their influence), ruin and devastate the crucial foundations of democracy and the rule of law. One of the directives establishing and ascertaining the issue of the prevention of terrorism financing and money laundry should also at the same time, have an impact on the issue of ownership transparency and the origin of capital appearing in media. Consequently, the rules defining the question of media ownership for countries in the process of EU admission shall significantly increase and widen.

How to measure media clientelism and how to respond to consequences deriving as a result of an unsettled media ownership?

Media clientelism as part of the MEDIA CIRCLE Project, the process of measurement in the West Balkan countries is conducted by the use of empirically ascertained information and data regarding the barriers and obstacles against the non-transparent and malignant impact on media and their effectiveness in the real environment where media houses operate. This is where the subtitle “measuring the reality” emerged from. Collected data and information, interpreted and analyzed by the organization involved in the project are state primary information and data which, through the use of matrix are put into the wider form of risk from clientelism and harmful manifests of clientelism appearing in media. Now, while the preparation for the third measuring is under the procedure , we could say that we successfully mapped and located the situations in certain countries of the West Balkans and that the recommendations based on ”how-to” speak for themselves since they are quite clear as anyone can see in our last year’s report.

Can transparent ownership over media be ensured and secured through a single new law or can it be guaranteed through amendments of other and existing laws setting off and regulating the issue of political party financing, conflict of interest, criteria for allocation of funds and means to media …?

The question and issue of ownership and media financing must primarily be solved within the existing legal framework that regulates media functioning and operating procedures. Only after these issues are regulated as part of media legal framework we could speak about the setting of wider environment where media houses exist in order to prevent the “slipping” of harmful practice into the grey zones of aliasing and overlapping of two or more laws. Therefore, the beginning is well known. It is the comprehensive law on media, followed by the detailed and rigorous definition of the question of media ownership and financing, regardless of other issues.

This text is a part of E-Bulletin– second edition of special serial of BHN online bulletin implemented through the “Media and Public Reputation” (origin. “Mediji i javni ugled”) project, also representing a contribution to public debate regarding the transparency of media ownership and upholding and encouraging the passing of set of laws aimed to advance media field and information market in BiH. 

REAL VOICE OF JOURNALISM

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SARAJEVO, 15.01.2017. – PCRC is proud to announce a start of a new research project titled ‘’Real Voice of Journalism.’’ The project aims to improve the overall position of journalists and media activists and prevent further derogation and violations in the area of freedom of expression in BiH and will be implemented by PCRC in cooperation with Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN) BiH and WARM Foundation Sarajevo.

The project will be implemented during a period of nine months and we will specifically work with local journalist to create a research that showcases their real, everyday struggles to produce unbiased, objective and relevant content.

This project is funded by the European Union through the small grants programme “Protecting Media Freedom and Freedom of Expression in the Western Balkans” implemented by the Croatian Journalists’ Association as part of the regional project Western Balkan’s Regional Platform for Advocating Media Freedom and Journalists’ Safety, carried out through partnership of six regional journalists’ associations – Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia (IJAS), Association of BH Journalists (BHJ), Croatian Journalists’ Association (CJA), Association of Journalists of Kosovo (AJK), Association of Journalists of Macedonia (AJM) and the Trade Union of Media of Montenegro (TUMM).

Strike in RTV Pljevlja stopped when Dačić mentioned bankruptcy

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PLJEVLJA, 14.01.2018 – Mayor Mirko Dačić, at the end of 2017, said that RTV Pljevlja fulfilled all the conditions for initiating bankruptcy and that brave, harsh and painful actions could be expected in order to improve the situation.

The employees of Radio-Television Pljevlja stopped the strike on January 1, although they did not receive owed salaries.

Most employees were on strike from November 17, 2017, due to delayed payment of five salaries. In the beginning of January they received salaries for July and August.

The striking board said to “Vijesti” that they decided to stop the strike, because the contract they signed with the founder – Pljevlja Municipality, on the financing of program content, obliges them to execute specific programs.

During the protest, employees kept the minimum work process as foreseen by the Law on Strike.

RTV Council signed in December a contract with Pljevlja Municipality to provide public services for the next three-year period, in the amount of 250,000 euros. It is about 80,000 less than proposed by the Council in the draft contract.

The strike ended after Mayor Mirko Dačić, at the end of the year, assessed that RTV Pljevlja fulfilled all the conditions for initiating bankruptcy.

Citing the internal audit report, Dačić said that the company’s negative capital at the end of 2016 amounted to 711,000 euros, and assets 85,000 euros.

Đačić said that in RTV Pljevlja “brave, harsh and painful actions in order to improve the situation” could be expected.

He estimated that it is necessary to reduce the number of RTV Pljevlja employees, because the participation of employees’ salaries in the total costs is 271,000 euros.

There are 30 employees in RTV Pljevlja. In order to pay for the debts, calculation including November 2017, RTV Pljevlja needs 215,000 euros.

Đačić claims that Municipality, as of December 29, 2017, settled all obligations to RTV Pljevlja.

“For this year, we have allocated 258,000 euros for RTV Pljevlja. That amount is sufficient for payment of 11 earnings. The public service management should do its best to secure at least one more salary. Think about way of fundraising money, record weddings, funerals, and consider whether you will give for free contributions to RTCG. “

Đačić told that RTV Pljevlja leadership should say whether they are capable of managing this media, otherwise they would find “another way to implement the necessary measures”.

Former director of Radio Berane sentenced

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BERANE, 12.01.2018 – Radio Berane Council issued a press release regarding the final court decision to sentence the former director of Radio Berane Milan Šćekić for extended abuse of office.

Complete Radio Berane Council’s press release can be found below:

“We are informing the public that the Higher Court in Bijelo Polje confirmed the court decision of the Basic Court in Berane that Radio Berane’s former director M.Š. committed the criminal offense of extended abuse of office.

The former director was sentenced to three months’ imprisonment, a year parole, and is obligated to pay 4,464.17 euros to Radio Berane for the identified abuse, under threat of enforcement measures.

Radio Berane Council does not want to comment the amount of fine, but we must express our satisfaction that the court confirmed illegal actions of the previous Council, with a four year mandate, and the former director of Radio Berane, which significantly contributed to Radio Berane’s difficult situation. We remind the public that the independent audit gave a negative opinion for its business performance from 2013 to 2015, and that the first positive opinion was given for 2016 business performance, i.e. for the period during which the current management led Berane’s public service.

Radio Berane Council thanks to employees for the professionalism they show, as well as for the patience and casualties they endure due to a difficult situation they face with. With this verdict, they received at least a moral satisfaction that they were right when they warned about the abuses in the Radio, which had occurred for years.
We are convinced that starting from this year, after signing the three-year contract with the founder, “better days” will come for the employees regarding material situation, especially in terms of the regular payment of earnings, as well as payment of owed earnings, which well-earned hardworking in the past three years.

We would also like to express our thanks to the public, our faithful listeners, and portal visitors for their support, with the promise that our program will be richer every day and that the Radio will remain the first one in dissemination of the current and true information related to Berane”, concludes the statement of the Council of Local Public Broadcaster Radio Berane.

Станковиќ: Не смее да има злоупотреба на медиумската слобода

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СКОПЈЕ, 12.01.2018 – Со Љубиша Станковиќ, новинар, разговаравме за ограничувањата во слобдата на изразување и контрола на медиумската слобода.

ЦИВИЛ Медиа: Што подразбирате по слобода на изразувањето, медиумски слободи и активизам?

Станковиќ: Колку и да се различни тие два термини слобода на изразување и медиумска слобода, сепак еден со друг се надополнуваат. Убаво е да има медиумска слобода, убаво е да постои слобода на говор, меѓутоа она што мене сериозно ме загрижува е што се изместија работите, во смисла ако некој каже вулгаризам и тоа е право на слобода на изразување. Напротив, мислам дека тоа е некултурен однос, нецивилизиран и треба да се регулираат тие работи, едноставно да се знае што е слобода на изразување, а што навреди, клевети или нешто посериозно за што кривично се одговара.

Дури и во однос на активизмот, не само граѓанското општество и медиумите, туку и власта треба да преземе мерки, затоа што некои работи излегуваат надвор од контрола…

ЦИВИЛ Медиа: Дали се соочувате со притисоци од политичките и бизнис центрите на моќта и како се справувате со нив?

Станковиќ:  Мене, условно речено, ми е нормално кога политичка елита се обидува да врши притисок. Кога е на власт, сака да докаже дека во неа е моќта. На вас останува дали ќе се согласите или ќе пружите отпор. Кога ќе им дадете до знаење до каде им е границата и тие сфаќаат дека треба да запрат. Проблемот кај нас е што со текот на годините многу новинари кај нас потклекнаа, многу од нив влегоа во некаков клиентелистички приказни. Јас никогаш нема да се согласам со таква варијанта.

ЦИВИЛ Медиа: Кои се вашите препораки, како да се одбранат слободата на изразувањето, медиумските слободи и активизмот?

Станковиќ: Не е проблем да ја браниме и заштитиме слободата, проблем е ако ја злоупотребиме. Значи мора да има некои граници да не се премине онаа црвена линија на добриот вкус па да отидеме во некои други насоки кои што немаат врска со слобода на изразување и медиумска слобода…

Биљана Јордановска

Камера: Атанас Петровски

Фотографија: Вулнет Махмути


Овој проект е финансиран од Европската Унија преку програмата за мали грантови „Заштита на слободата на медиумите и слободата на изразување во Западен Балкан“ спроведена од Здружението на хрватските новинари, како дел од регионалниот проект „Регионална платформа на Западен Балкан за слобода на медиумите и безбедност на новинарите”, спроведена преку партнерство на шест регионални новинарски здруженија – Здружение на независни новинари на Србија, Здружение на новинари од Босна и Херцеговина, Здружение на новинари на Хрватска, Здружение на новинари на Косово, Здружение на новинари на Македонија и Синдикатот на медиуми на Црна Гора.