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NDNV: Ugraditi u zakon pravila u slučaju napada na novinare

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NOVI SAD, 19.12.2017. – Medijski eksperti Nezavisnog društva novinara Vojvodine zatražili su od zakonodavaca u Srbiji da na zakonski nivo podignu Pravila za hitno postupanje u slučaju napada na novinare, koja su predviđena Sporazumom o saradnji i merama za podizanje nivoa bezbednosti novinara.

Oni su ocenili da bi ugrađivanje tih pravila u zakone predstavljalo bolju garanciju da će se u potpunosti i efikasno primeniti Sporazum, jer je to osnovni preduslov da se novinari ohrabre da prijavljuju pretnje koje su mnogobrojne, i da dođe do upostavljanja međusobnog poverenja između novinara i medija, i institucija nadležnih za slučajeve ugrožavanja bezbednosti novinara, navodi se u publikaciji „Novinari između slobode i odgovornosti“, koju je danas objavio NDNV.

Taj Sporazum su krajem prošle godine potpisali predstavnici Republičkog javnog tužilaštva, MUP-a Srbije i novinarskih i medijskih udruženja i asocijacija, ali je nedavno većina udruženja zamrzla svoj status u Radnoj grupi, jer su nezadovoljni sprovođenjem Sporazuma.

Eksperti NDNV-a su dodali da je potrebno unaprediti efikasnost Stalne radne grupe za bezbednost novinara kroz uspostavljanje pozicije tehničkog koordinatora, zatim uspostaviti operativnu podršku u MUP-u koja bi bila dostupna novinarima u hitnim situacijama, kao i precizno definisati koja se krivična dela učinjena na štetu novinara, a u vezi sa poslom koji obavljaju, ubrajaju u kategoriju krivičnih dela kojima se Stalna radna grupa bavi.

Potrebno je i ujednačiti praksu u postupanju pravosuđa u slučajevima napada, pretnji i zastrašivanja, neophodno je preduzeti mere da bi napadi, pretnje i drugi oblici ugrožavanja medijskih sloboda, odnosno novinara i drugih medijskih aktera, bili praćeni adekvatnom i efikasnom istragom i sudjenjem.

Neophodno je da se precizno definišu interne procedure funkcionisanja, odnosno da se usvoji Pravilnik o radu Stalne radne grupe.

Preporučili su i da se organizuju zajedničke obuke sudija i novinara, da bi se bolje međusobno upoznali, bolje se razumeli i imali više poverenja jedni u druge.

Ocenili su da bi podnošenje tužbe za naknadu štete protiv medija trebalo usloviti prethodnim obraćanjem radi mirnog rešenja spora. Ukazuju da bi prilikom odmeravanja visine naknade štete trebalo voditi računa i o tome da li bi njena visina ugrozila rad medija, a zalažu se da se prilikom donošenja presude kao dokazi uzmu u razmatranje i odluke Komisije za žalbu Saveta za štampu u vezi sa tuženim medijima.

U vezi s tužbama protiv medija po Zakonu o autorskim i srodnim pravima, eksperti NDNV-a su ocenili da je potrebno inicirati pregovore udruženja novinara i fotografa radi usaglašavanja cenovnika.

Publikacija „Novinari između slobode i odgovornosti“ nastala je u okviru projekta „Medijske slobode i sudska praksa“ koji je sufinansiralo Ministarstvo kulture i informisanja Srbije.

Ona sadrži i statistiku o postupcima protiv medija vode na osnovu Zakona o javnom informisanju i medijima, na osnovu Zakona o autorskim i srdonim pravima, kao i o krivičnim prijavama za ugrožavanje bezbednosti novinara.

Vukasin Lost the Battle. But not the War.

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BELGRADE, 19.12.2017. – One day this September, Vukasin Obradovic entered the offices of Vranjske, a Serbian weekly, saw the reporters who had invested their lives into the publication – as well as his own 23 years of hard work – and realized: this is the end.

“I felt nauseous,” the editor-in-chief said. “You ask yourself: Was it all worth it?”

For 23, years Vranjske published stories almost nobody else would.

Even during the repressive regime of late Slobodan Milosevic, the paper, from the city of Vranje, wrote about war crimes committed during the Yugoslav wars of the 90s, embezzlement of public funds, sexual assaults within the Serbian Orthodox Church, drug smuggling, organized crime, and more.

But after the paper published an interview with a local whistleblower who revealed illegal hiring practices at the city’s tax administration office – and covered the retaliation he faced – it was sentenced to death.

It was the director of the office, Sladjan Tomic, who first revealed the illegal hiring practices to the paper. As soon as the interview was published, he was demoted and mobbed by the new director, Sladjana Stojanovic, a woman with allegedly good connections to the Serbian ruling party.

Tomic again turned to Vranjske and described what happened in a second interview published in July.

That’s when the tax inspectors arrived. They hardly left the paper’s offices for weeks, searching for any excuse they could find to close it down, or at least to make it pay a hefty fine that would force it to close down. They never found anything.

Obradovic knew where this was coming from and why.

In an open letter to the tax authority’s new director, he pointed out that his reporters were under pressure in retaliation for covering issues of interest to the citizens of Vranje. Because they were doing their jobs as journalists, he wrote, they were treated by the ruling party as political opponents.

But the inspections wouldn’t stop coming. Meanwhile, the publication’s landlord – the state pension fund – kicked it out after 15 years, and despite having scores of empty offices in the building.

All this came on the top of Vranje’s previous dispute with the local government over the allocation of funds meant to support Serbian media in early 2017.

After the municipality made a much-criticized decision to allocate most of the money to outlets believed to be controlled by the country’s ruling party, the Vranjske staff went on strike.

The paper was given such a ridiculously small amount of money that it returned the funds to the local government in protest.

By the end of the summer, the lack of funds, the eviction notice, and the tax inspectors – who told the editor-in-chief off the record that they had been tasked with finding “something” – prompted Obradovic to declare a hunger strike.

“Journalism and Vranjske cannot be separated from the rest of my life,” Obradovic wrote in a public letter. “I just don’t want turn away and move on peacefully from what I’ve been fighting for all this time,” he said.

Obradovic ended his hunger strike after just one day because of other health issues, but the pressure led to his decision to close Vranjske.

“It was a hard moment,” he told OCCRP. A moment in which he realized that all the good and bad times he and his colleagues went through, the mission that had brought them together, would all cease to exist because of one interview.

Obradovic was respected among colleagues around the country and was president of the Independent Journalists Association of Serbia. After his hunger strike, hundreds of journalists and citizens gathered in front of the Serbian Government building in Belgrade, protesting against what they saw as unacceptable government pressure.

“I Stand by Vranjske,” read their banners.

The Journalists’ Association said that closing of the weekly was a direct consequence of long-standing political pressures on media freedom and the corrupt media funding system.

More support came from the European and International federations of journalists. Both organizations said that they stood in solidarity with Obradovic and joined their affiliates in Serbia in denouncing the government’s oppression.

In the end, it made little difference. Vranjske remains closed. But people in his southern Serbian town still approach Obradovic and ask him when the paper would publish again.

“They can’t believe it,” he says. “I also catch myself seeing or hearing something and thinking, this would be a good story. Then it hits me again: Vranjske no longer exists.”

But the outrage the case prompted in Serbia grew into a new wave of resistance. Twenty-seven outlets throughout the country formed what they call the “Group for freedom of media in Serbia.”

Obradovic is a member.

“I hope we will move things, at least a milimeter,” he says. For a moment, hope lights up his face. Or is it spite?

“I’ve taken part in so many battles,” he says. “I can’t miss this one.”

Život rent-a-novinarke na rubu znanosti

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Kako da se nazove neko ko po vasceli dan kucka, sa nikad izvesnim ishodom? Možda rent-a-novinarka? Ili uslužna medijska radnica? Ili žena-tezga, akterka (često sive) medijske ekonomije, što maltene na ulici nudi: „tekstovi, tekstovi, tekstoviii“?   

Sanjam pre neku noć da treba da napišem neki članak o… već se ne sećam čemu, a kao deo ranije započete saradnje s tim, izvesnim portalom.

Budim se u bunilu, oblivena znojem s oštrim vonjem nervoze. Jer, u svest mi ne dolazi ni koji je medij u pitanju, ni koje mu je usmerenje, ni čime sam mu ranije doprinosila, ni koji mi je urednik nadležan…

Jasan je samo osećaj odgovornosti u smislu poštovanja „rahmetli linije“, kako jedan od mojih brojnih pretpostavljenih naziva deadline.

To pojačava stres izazvan nemogućnošću da dato glasilo smestim u svoj koordinatni sistem.

I dok lagano otvaram oči, shvatam da sam preterala. Da jedva mogu da prebrojim medije za koje u zbilji tezgarim. Da ne znam ni ko sam, ni šta sam, ni kome sam odana.

Poslednje je bitno, jer mediji su jedan drugom konkurencija, na šta umem i da zaboravim u svojoj napaćenoj težnji da malo više zaradim. Ili, naprosto, da preživim, ako ćemo iskreno.

Sveobuhvatni duduk, s pretenzijom

Počelo je to davno, na samom startu moje nazovikarijere, dakle, pre 20 i kusur godina. Tad su u upotrebi još bile pisaće mašine.

Bila sam honorarka Beogradske hronike Politike i, kao početnica, bez takozvanog sektora. Stoga su mi dopadale sasvim nebitne i nezanimljive informacije da ih neznatno obradim. O pucanju kanalizacije, recimo.

Prvi izlet u vanredne, i poetičnije, teme bio je za dodatak tog lista iz medicine. Zadatak mi je bio da reportažno tretiram Dečju kliniku u Tiršovoj.

– Dobar dan, da li sam dobila toga i toga, ovde Dragana Nikoletić iz … – neustrašivo krenem, pa zapnem. Ne mogu da se setim čija li sam, čija li sam. Sličan problem se nametne i kad sednem da pišem. Jer, negde treba da pljujem, drugde da hvalim – istu ili sličnu pojavu

Reportaže su mnogo, mnogo kasnije postale moja uža specijalnost, ali ta forma mi je u tom trenutku bila odveć krupan zalogaj. Obilje materijala poređala sam po spratovima navedene institucije, smatrajući to najboljim rešenjem u datoj konfuznoj prilici.

Urednica je ovo nemušto štivo iskusno pretumbala (a mora da se krstila). Meni je kapnula prva ekstra kinta na onaj jad i bedu što sam dobijala iz matične, beogradske redakcije. Što mi se odmah osladilo.

Pa sam iskoristila privatne veze da upadnem u neki poljoprivredni časopis, davno ishlapelog naziva iz lične i kolektivne memorije.

Saradnja s njim bila je kratkog veka, jer je umro glavni i odgovorni urednik, a niko drugi nije bio voljan da nastavi njegovu informativnu misiju. Ali, što se mene lično tiče – udaren je temelj odnosa prema žurnalistici. Pa, ako je novinar po difoltu „univerzalna neznalica“, mogla sam taj termin da proširim na, recimo, „sveobuhvatni duduk s pretenzijom najraznovrsnijeg izveštavanja“.

Jer, iako je novac bio prevashodni povod raslojavanja moje poslovne posvećenosti, pa time i ličnosti, nikako nije bio i jedini. Bivalo je tema koje sam želela da produbim, sa svih strana razmotrim, a bilo ih je i tako raznolikih, sa specifičnim krajnjim adresama, da sam naprosto morala da širim krug redakcija.

Svaka je, shodno čitalaštvu, gajila svoj stil i jezik, dok je uređivačka politika zavisila od još ponečeg.

Prilagodljiva, kakva jesam, za sve ove godine broj novinarskih kolaboracija postao je impozantan. Od pomenute Politike, preko Građanina, Dnevnog telegrafa, Blic newsa, Vračarskog glasnika, Reportera u sve tri inkarnacije, Statusa, Evrope, BIRN-a, Alo, Yelow caba, Milice i Novog magazina, Ekonomista, E-novina, Newsweeka, Glorije… do ovih sedam-osam sa kojima trenutno sarađujem.

Mnoge sam sahranila, tj. bila nazočna trenutku gašenja glasila ili umiranja urednika. To vam često padne kao smrt nekog iz familije, pa težite da se zaštitite umnožavanjem saradništva.

Stoga gornjem, nepotpunom spisku mogu da pridodam i kompanijske informatore, koji ti ego spuštaju na minimum. Gde je stil nebitan, humor nepoželjan, istraživanje izlišno, objektivnost ne dolazi u obzir… te ništa ne ostaje od identiteta.

Alavost „iskakanja iz frižidera“

S takvim svaštarskim CV-jem nije čudno da mi poznanici, kad ih sretnem, često kažu: „Čitao sam te negde, ali se ne sećam gde“. Umesto da to shvatim kao opomenu, doživljavala sam kao kompliment, sve do tog košmarnog jutra, nakon onog rastrežnjujućeg sna.

Kad sam ukačila da samo što ne iskačem iz frižidera, što nije pokazatelj naglašene potražnje, već svojevrsne alavosti i specifičnog (čitaj: savitljivog) karaktera.

– Dok sam ja glavni i odgovorni, ti nećeš ovde da kročiš – bila je neopoziva presuda glodura. Silno sam patila, ne samo zbog otkaza već i zato što zapravo nisam razumela zašto se ljuti. Nisam ukačila da sam izneverila njegova očekivanja i pokazala nelojalnost časopisu

A mogla sam mnogo ranije da „povučem ručnu“, da sam čitala jasne znakove pored puta.

Recimo, moj prvi doprinos NIN-u bio je članak o hirotonisanju patrijarha Irineja u Pećkoj patrijaršiji. Premda sam nekim svojim poslom boravila na Kosovu, redakcija mi je platila troškove puta i dnevnice.

A ja je, nezahvalna, izdala.

Pa priču o obližnjoj srpskoj enklavi u Velikoj Hoči plasirala i u Novom magazinu, iz „šatro“ drugog ugla. Kakve ima veze što se tekst o kosovskoj nedođiji pojavljuje u dva nedeljnika, maltene istovremeno, tako sam razmišljala. Ako sam se uopšte i udubljivala.

Tad je glavni u NIN-u bio Nebojša Spaić, sada nažalost počivši. Prilično mi je bio naklonjen, pa me je, umesto da mi sve oštro skreše u brk, opomenuo blago, ali odlučno.

Džaba, nisam se dozvala pameti.

Pa ponovih istu grešku par meseci kasnije, sa, recimo, nekom beogradskom izložbom.

– Dok sam ja glavni i odgovorni, ti nećeš ovde da kročiš – bila je neopoziva presuda glodura. Silno sam patila, ne samo zbog otkaza već i što zapravo nisam razumela zašto se ljuti.

Nisam ukačila da sam izneverila njegova očekivanja i pokazala nelojalnost firmi.

Još jednom sam izašla na „velika vrata“, i to upravo u Politici. Razlog je bio već upotrebljeni sagovornik, ali u glasilu drugačijeg usmerenja. Nisam sela da razmislim da taj koji prolazi kod opozicije, može da napravi belaj u suprotno nastrojenim novinama.

Sad, da l’ je taj intervju koji je osvanuo na Fejsbuku, a zatim i u Cenzolovci, umesto u Politikinom Magazinu, gde je trebalo da završi, bio zaista bez fakata, zasnovan isključivo na stavovima, što je urednica istakla kao razlog neobjavljivanja tekst, ili je posredi bilo to što su stavovi „pogrešni“, ili je stigla naredba „odozgo“ – nikada neću saznati.

Tek, meni je glodur poručio da sam nadalje nepoželjna, što sam saznala posrednim kanalima. Urednica je ostala na svom mestu i nikad mi se više nije javila.

I ovaj sam slučaj pošteno otpatila, jer mi je suzio sferu delovanja. Krivicom povodom pogrešne procene, što je ukazivala na zamor materijala, maltene se nisam ni bavila.

POP U PLEJBOJU

Kroz razgranatost mreže tzv. stalnih ili povremenih angažmana, stekla sam luksuz da, ako nešto ne uđe u jedne novine, ja to ponudim drugome.

Primera ima dosta, ali izdvojiću jedan, karakterističan.

Trebalo je da uradim reportažu iz Crne Reke, neformalnog pravoslavnog lečilišta za opijatske zavisnike, i to za Nacionalnu geografiju.

Međutim, tada se na društvenim mrežama pojavio snimak nadležnog popa kako lopatom mlati štićenike, pa se cela čaršija skandalizovala.

Tema je postala previše vruća, dnevnopolitička, za orijentaciju tog cenjenog mesečnika.

Tako je popa, koji je docnije, prema zvaničnoj optužnici, jednog od svojih „pacijenata“ tom istom lopatom ubio – završio u Plejboju.

Ne beše mu sasvim pravo da se nađe međ golišavim slikama (bez pitanja), ali stvar je već bila počinjena.

A indikativna je zato što me vraća na početak. Na onaj grozničavi poriv da nađem glasilo gde može da se obradi tema koja me interesuje. I tako više puta, dok slučaj skroz ne skroziram.

Ali, kako to ne podržava egzistenciju, prinuđena sam da pišem i ono o čemu inače ne bih.

Vremenom, i to uspeš da zavoliš ili da mu se naprosto prilagodiš. Postane ti prirodno da menjaš boje kao kameleon.

Engleski višak digniteta

– Mogla si da pišeš pod pseudonimom – post festum su me neki savetovali.

To sam nekad i činila, pod alijasom Stana Cucić, dok nisam shvatila da je ime jedino čime zapravo raspolažem. Da je ono jedina reklama… u smislu daljeg tezgarenja.

Tom fenomenu za kojim većina novinara poseže, ponekad se tepa frilensiranje, a on se kreće u limbusu između ova dva termina.

Tezga nije, jer niti se pošteno plaća, niti joj ja tako prilazim. Kod mene nema copy-pastefazona, osim u iznimnim situacijama, kad sebe ipak malo preformulišem.

S takvim svaštarskim CV-jem nije čudno da mi poznanici, kad ih sretnem, često kažu: „Čitao sam te negde, ali se ne sećam gde“. Umesto da to shvatim kao opomenu, doživljavala sam kao kompliment, sve do tog košmarnog jutra

Pomenuti finansijski segment vezan je i za manjak dostojanstva, dok engleski naziv za honorarca nudi dignitet u neprimerenoj meri. Tako, ni u tom pogledu, ne mogu sebe da definišem.

Jer, kako da se nazove neko ko po vasceli dan kucka, sa nikad izvesnim ishodom?

Možda rent-a-novinarka?

Ili uslužna medijska radnica?

Ili žena-tezga, akterka (često sive) medijske ekonomije, što maltene na ulici nudi: „tekstovi, tekstovi, tekstoviii“?

Da je lako – nije, i ponekad zavidim protagonistima čitulja. Ali ne bih mogla drugačije uprkos brojnim opstrukcijama tog života na rubu znanosti. I uprkos potrebi da ipak negde pripadam.

Ali nigde drugde kao u freelancu ne možeš da zagnjuriš nos u toliku silesiju sadržaja (od svadbe Saše Grand Popovića do skoka padobranom). To što vam se posle muti u glavi, manje je važno od proživljenog iskustva.

Ovo ni sa čim merljivo blago goni me da nastavljam uprkos kontinuiranoj krizi ličnosti.

Koja me spopadne i kad telefonom pozovem sagovornika.

– Dobar dan, da li sam dobila toga i toga, ovde Dragana Nikoletić iz … – neustrašivo krenem, pa zapnem.

Ne mogu da se setim čija li sam, čija li sam.

Sličan problem se nametne i kad sednem da pišem. Jer, negde treba da pljujem, drugde da hvalim – istu ili sličnu pojavu.

Srećom, pa sam lično najčešće ambivalentna i mogu brzo da se prešaltam. Da dodam gasa u preporučenom smeru.

Pretpostavljam da cenjeno čitalaštvo lako detektuje neiskrenost u strasti i stavu (a poslednje je sve češće jedino merilo u medijima).

Urednike često nije briga, dokle god završavam posao (u skladu sa rahmetli linijama). Ali, u cilju sticanja ličnog mira, trebalo bi da se ozbiljno preispitam.

Ako već moram da se skrasim, koji bi me medij u potpunosti zadovoljio?

Moram da priznam – nijedan – jer nigde nema prostora za sve o čemu bih da škrabam.

Jedni forsiraju socijalne priče kojima sam sklona, ali bi da ublaže fokus, drugi smatraju da im Romi i osobe sa smetnjama remete čitanost. Jedni insistiraju na ispovestima, drugi ič ne mare kako sam se u datoj prilici osećala. Negde leži ulični žargon, a drugde bode oči u odnosu na većinsku upeglanost. Neki teže selebritijima, drugi „otkrivaju“ anonimuse.

A svega toga ima u mojim potrebama.

Pa, što onda ne napišem knjigu, pitao bi neko.

Ne mogu da savladam formu dužu od petnaestak hiljada karaktera!

I ne mogu da zamislim ko bi me uopšte čitao, osim mojih sirotih (sadašnjih i budućih) urednika.

ZLATNO PRAVILO

Prvo i osnovno pravilo da se od honorarca uzdigneš u stalno zaposlene jeste da si dovoljno strpljiv. Da pod okriljem jedne redakcije provedeš godine, pa čak i više od decenije.

Trčkaraš kojekuda, boriš se za rubrike, a kad te „prime“, možeš sve četiri uvis. Bar tako je važilo u Politici, zbog čega je većina u toj redakciji i ostala kad je se već jednom domogla.

Osim ako bi dolazili i odlazili po diskrecionom izboru glodura, takođe promenljivog, usled raznih političkih vetrova.

Status paušalca je nešto između ove dve pozicije, kad ti je honorar zagarantovan bez obzira na učinak. Ovu priliku redakcije retko nude. Ne isplati im se jer dolazi do prethodno opisane pojave. Da opet rmbače i potežu niži po rangu.

Meni je paušal dopao samo jednom, u (drugom) Reporteru, gde se potom nisam baš najbolje pokazala. I ja se, vorkoholičarka, olenjila.

Uljuljkala u siguricu.

Možda se i zato čuvam, ne bih da se lišim osnovnog smisla postojanja.

Da cunjam, gledam i slušam, potom to prepričavam, sa rastegljivom dozom istine ili dosoljavanja.

A lično više volim prezačinjeno nego bljutavo.

 

Croatian Prime Minister Plenković: Threats against journalists are inadmissible

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Zagreb, 7.12.2017. - Sjednica Vlade Republike Hrvatske. Na slici premijer Andrej Plenković. Foto HINA/ Dario GRZELJ/ dag

ZAGREB, 18.12.2017. – Croatian Journalists’ Association (CJA) welcomes Prime Minister Plenković’s statement that frequent threats against journalists are inadmissible and dangerous for freedom of speech and media.

Croatian Journalists’ Association (CJA) welcomes Prime Minister Plenković’s statement that frequent threats against journalists through social networks are inadmissible and that he finds them to be dangerous for freedom of speech and media.

The Prime Minister said he expected those threats to be processed in the most efficient way.

We welcome that statement from our Prime Minister followed by multiple threats against journalists, including death threats, and after many CJA appeals for politicians, especially those in power, to condemn those worrisome incidents.

As the Prime Minister himself behaved inappropriately in several occasions regarding journalists, we call him not to go on with it so his yesterday’s statement shoul be confirmed in practice.

CJA also reminds that threats the Prime Minister has talked about are just one part of threats against journalists in four years. In that period CJA recorded 41 attacks.

CJA calls all politicians to join the Prime Minister in condemning threats against journalists and to contribute to the atmosphere of tolerance by their public actions.

PEC annual report : 97 media workers killed in 2017 a reduction of 24 percent

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GENEVA, 18.12.2017. – For the first time since 2008 the PEC has registered less than 100 fatalities among media workers worldwide. Since the beginning of 2017 97 journalists were killed in 28 countries, a reduction of 24 percent in media casualties, said Monday the Press Emblem Campaign (PEC) in its annual report.

 

According to the same criteria,  the PEC noted that 127 journalists were killed in 2016 (without the victims of two plane crashes), 135 in 2015, 138 in 2014, 129 in 2013, 141 in 2012,107 in 2011, 110 in 2010, 122 in 2009, 91 in 2008, 115 in 2007 and 96 in 2006. In ten years, from 2008 to 2017, those figures add up to 1197 media workers killed, an average of 119 annually and 2.3 per week.    

PEC Secretary-General Blaise Lempen stressed that this reduction is encouraging. It is due to the important mobilisation including all the measures taken by the international community be it resolutions of UN member states, the UNESCO plan of action, the work of the NGOs, measures undertaken at the national level for combatting impunity, which all combined started to bear fruit. Lempen hopes that this momentum continues in 2018.

However, the toll is still too high. The situation has deteriorated this year in Mexico, Iraq, India, Afghanistan. Compared to last year improvements were witnessed in Syria, Guatemala and Brazil.  

The most dangerous countries

Mexico shows the highest tally of 14 journalists killed since January, Iraq 9, Afghanistan 8, then 7 in each of India and Pakistan. Those five countries represent close to half of those killed : 45.

The Philippines and Syria follow in rank with 6 killed in each country, then 5 journalists were killed in Somalia, and 4 in Honduras.

Three journalists were killed in Nigeria, Russia, Turkey and Yemen. Two in each of the following countries : Colombia, Guatemala, Dominican Republic, Peru. One journalist was killed in each of the following countries : Angola, Bangladesh, Brazil, Chile, Denmark, the Maldives, Malta, Myanmar, Papua New Guinea, Salvador and South Sudan. 

Accidents (suicide-bombings, explosive devices, crossfire) were responsible for the deaths of one-third of the victims, while two-thirds were deliberately targeted.

More women killed

The number of women journalists killed has risen sharply: from 5 in 2016 to 16 in 2017, probably because more women are working in dangerous situations.

By region Asia represents the most affected region with 32 journalists killed, followed by Latin America 29 killed, followed by the Middle East (including Turkey) 21, Africa 10, Europe 5.

During the seven years of war in Syria at least 108 journalists were killed. During the same period (2011-2017) Mexico was the second most dangerous country with 72 journalists murdered. Iraq was the third most affected country with 71 killed.

The PEC rejoices at the progress for the mobilisation of the international community with the unanimous adoption of UN resolutions dealing with the safety of journalists calling upon States to be engaged in a way that would be followed by concrete measures.

The PEC hails the adoption in November by the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) the leading media organisation worldwide of a draft convention for strengthening the protection of journalists.

PEC President Hedayat Abdel Nabi said on this occassion that a great opportunity is ahead of the media community to write history, ten years after the PEC launched its draft Convention for the Protection of Journalists. Today we rejoice that the IFJ moved in the same direction, hopefully for the Convention to be adopted in 2018 and not in 2028, when adopted it will be a breaking news and a great comfort to many journalists working in the field as well as for freelancers,

For the list of casualties please consult www.pressemblem.ch

Banja Luka presented the idea of media professionals dedicated to the professional approach to reporting on gender-based violence

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BANJA LUKA, 16.12.2017.-The meeting and discussion of editors, journalists and representatives of public institutions relevant to the fight against gender-based violence was held today in Banja Luka with the aim of forming a network of media professionals in BiH dedicated to raising public awareness of this social problem.

Representative of non-governmental organization Banjaluka Women’s Associate Lana Jajčević emphasized the importance of better and more regular co-operation of media professionals with NGOs dealing with gender issues as this is already a significant contribution to better visibility of gender-based violence as a social problem.

Representative of the Gender Center of Republika Srpska, Tijana Arambašić Živanović supported the networking of journalists with the aim of educating media activities and presenting gender-based violence as a social problem rather than ad hoc events and incidents that happen suddenly. It reminded the need for consistent application of journalistic ethics and professional standards in reporting on this topic. “This is important for people who have survived violence, and journalists should more consult experts from the academic community and the civilian sector and thus broaden access to reporting on such issues,” said Arambašić Živanović.

Participants in the discussion, journalists from Banja Luka, Brcko, Sanski Most, Zenica, Doboj Juga, Sarajevo, Bihać and Bugojno emphasized the need to update this social problem in the local communities through reporting local media and that the problem should also be accessed from sociological, cultural and other perspectives. Media professionals expressed interest and the need to form “rosters” of media professionals, or network of journalists who would be dedicated to raising public awareness of gender-based violence in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The meeting was held within the framework of the project “Disarming violence – Media against violence against women” implemented by the BH Journalists Association with the support of UN Women’s Office in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Swedish International Development and Cooperation Agency (SIDA).

Brnabić se izvinila Grupi za slobodu medija, odgovori uskoro

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BEOGRAD, 16.12.2016. – Premijerka Ana Brnabić uputila je Grupi za slobodu medija izvinjenje što nije bila dovoljno efikasna i što ni nakon više od mesec dana, nije dogovorila na 13 zahteva za poboljšanje medijske situacije u Srbiji, iako se obavezala da će to učiniti u roku od dve nedelje.

U kratkom odgovoru na kritike koje je Grupa uputila na račun premijerke zbog toga što nije održala reč, Brnabić je navela i da uskoro šalje odgovore na zahteve koje je dobila 14. novembra i najavila novi sastanak s tom organizacijom.

“Istina. Dugujem izvinjenje. Nismo bili dovoljno efikasni. Moja krivica. Uskoro šaljemo, pa se nadam sledećem sastanku”, napisala je Brnabić na tviter nalogu.

Grupa za slobodu medija osudila je to što premijerka Ana Brnabić ni nakon više od mesec dana nije odgovorila na 13 zahteva za poboljšanje medijske situacije u Srbiji, iako se javno obavezala da će to učiniti u roku od dve nedelje posle sastanka 14. novembra, na kojem su joj predati zahtevi.

“Činjenicu da premijerka Brnabić nije održala reč, Grupa za slobodu medija tumači kao njeno odbijanje da prizna postojanje velikih problema u medijskoj sferi, pa time i kao odsustvo političke volje da se oni rešavaju istinskim dijalogom s novinarskom strukom. Ignorisanje Grupe, čiji su predstavnici, za razliku od premijerke i pojedinih ministara, u proteklih mesec dana pokazali maksimalnu uzdržanost i poštovali dogovor da se započeti dijalog javno ne komentariše dok Vlada ne odgovori na postavljene zahteve, upućuje na zaključak da je i sam poziv na sastanak bio neiskren”, navodi se u saopštenju.

Predstavnici Grupe za slobodu medija predali su 14. novembrapremijerki Ani Brnabić zahteve za poboljšanje medijske situacije, među kojima su formiranje nove radne grupe za izradu Medijske strategije, rasvetljavanje svih napada na novinare, kao i povlačenje država iz vlasništva u Politici, Večernjim novostima i Dnevniku i prestanak rada agencije Tanjug, ugašene Vladinom odlukom pre više od dve godine.

The results of the Research : Media Clientelism index – 2017 presented in Banja Luka

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BANJA LUKA, 15.12.2017 .- Bosnia and Herzegovina is still at the bottom of the list of South East Europe countries by measuring the Media Clientelism Index for 2017. The index for Bosnia and Herzegovina is -0.67.

The project, goals and research were presented by Borka Rudić, General Secretary of BH Journalists Association, and the results were commented by a senior assistant at FPN Banjaluka Bojana Vukojević. President of the Journalists Club of BHJA, Siniša Vukelic and member of the Committee for European Integration and Regional Cooperation NSRS Adam Šukalo spoke about the problem of clientelism and corruption in media in BiH.

“The bad thing about the BiH media scene is that there are not many non-profit media, because the way of funding such media outlets can contribute to the reduction of clientelism,” Vukojević said, adding that the media outraged the corporate character of the harm to media professionalism and principles that should be a guide to journalistic profession. “Political parties will always try to use the media and for this reason, we need to have transparent ownership data and at the same time media literate the citizens so they can interpret this information,” Vukojević emphasized.

Complete transparency of media ownership is highlighted as the first priority to address all future media planning policies. Among other research recommendations, the need to change political culture and practice in which the winner of the election gets public media as part of “election booty”, as well as the need for free access to comprehensive media ownership, financial and material media coverage, subsidies, and existing and the hidden interests of those involved in decision-making on media issues, in real time for all interested citizens.

The results of the Media ClientelismIndex were presented simultaneously in all six countries covered by this survey – in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, FYR Macedonia, Serbia, and Romania.

Media Clientelism Index measures based on empirical data the political influence on the media, the existing state of the legislative and institutional framework of the media, and the key econometric measurements of the reality in which media and journalists work in countries of South East Europe. The index covers all key issues that deal with the European Commission media freedom guidelines and other existing Freedom House, Reporters Without Borders, but in a slightly different way.

In addition to measuring the reality of the media in Southeast Europe, the Index provides a detailed insight into all aspects of media functioning of decision-makers as well as those who want to participate in public debates on media policies.

The Measure of the Index was conducted in six countries of South East Europe within the project MEDIA CIRCLE. The project leader is the Partnership for Social Development from Croatia, and a consortium of 8 organizations are the Expert Forum from Romania; BH journalists Association and VESTA from Bosnia and Herzegovina; Institute of Public Policy of Montenegro; Public from Macedonia; Independent Society of Journalists of Vojvodina and Serbian Law Society for Human Rights. The project is funded from the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance (IPA) Civil Society Facility (CSF) and co-financed by the Office for Governmental Organizations of the Republic of Croatia.

AJK condemns public lynching against journalist Arta Avdiu

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PRISTINA, 16.12.2017 – Association of Journalists of Kosovo condemns the public lynch against journalist Arta Avdiu by assembly member at Pristina municipality, Jeta Rafuna from Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK).

Rafuna through a posting in Facebook accused without any basis journalist Avdiu for close links to Self-determination movement by posting also a photo of her private life.

AJK considers that such denigrating language and slander against journalists are unacceptable which violate heavily credibility of journalists and media freedom.

This language used by a represetnatvie chosen from citizens is of a great concern and dangerous for country’s democracy.

AJK demands from councillor Rafuna to withdraw her posting and publicly apologise to journalist Arta Avdiu while we ask from Democratic League of Kosovo to distance itself from this form of lynch against journalists.