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RAEM –Vucic’s branch office

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photo: N1

BELGRADE, 22.03.2017. – While Vucic is competing with himself, whereby in just one day he appears in electronic media 60% as the Prime Minister and 40% as a presidential candidate, while the next it’s inverse. All the while his campaign is managed with state resources, with government ministers, and of course, coalition partners doing his bidding. What has transpired was previously unimaginable “in recent Serbian history”! During a 30 minute news programme, Vucic is on for 45!

This maxim credibly mirrors the conditions and the circumstances in which the presidential elections are being held in the spring of 2017, which, and everything is pointing in that direction, because of the enormous favouritism shown to Vucic, due to various types of blackmail and other pressures on employees to vote for him, especially in state-owned companies, simply cannot be fair. When the public broadcaster RTS allows for a third of its news programme to be invaded by Vucic, with only a handful of sound bites from the other ten candidates packed into under fifteen seconds, then all is lost. RTS, at least, on its second channel provides the same amount of time to all presidential candidates, but on TV PINK candidates can only appear if they support Vucic or if they’re presented in a negative context.

One of the most important independent institution which has so far supervised electronic media introducing order and ensuring that media are equally available to all candidates in the pre-election campaigns, has during Vucic’s government slumped to its lowest levels. Instead of protecting the public interest, it unabashedly protects his interests.

All this is in close correlation with the strengthening of Vucic’s government. Analyses conducted by the regulator show that as Vucic become stronger, RAEM weakened, as Vucic increasingly appropriated the duties of respective institutions, RAEM became more dependent on him. This has led to the absurd situation whereby the Regulatory Authority for Electronic Media refuses to publish a report on the representation of political parties and their leaders for the last year’s elections, finding it easier to pay a fine rather than, by order of the Commissioner for Information of public interest, present the report to IJAS.

NN, an unnamed individual, spreads rumours that RAEM will not monitor the election campaign this year, blatantly lying that they lack the software for it, which seriously violates the law and calls into question the appropriateness of this very institution. Thereby, the Serbian public, with all the good will and the engagement of alternative researchers, is essentially doomed to the “chaotic production of impressions” as concluded by a new organization, the Centre for Electronic Media (CEM), which reveals that since the very first day of the election campaign, Vucic received 1,000 while Aleksandra Popovic zero seconds. Other candidates fared slightly better with ten or fifteen seconds A thousand versus zero, the unthinkable disproportion and imbalance didn’t exist even during the time of Milosevic. But then again, no one can confirm or deny these allegations, because the Regulator is silent all the while playing dumb.

Since it was founded, the Republic Broadcasting Agency (RBA), and until it was renamed the Regulatory Authority for Electronic Media (RAEM), the only analysis that have been continuously conducted are reports on the control of broadcasters during the election campaign. In 2003, during the early elections, in 2004 for the presidential elections, and in 2008 when the general, national, provincial, local and presidential elections were held, each of these segments was particularly monitored and analysed. In 2012, the general and presidential elections, and 2014 for the national and local elections…

Broadcasters’ programmes were analysed by quantitative and qualitative methods. Not only was the total time devoted to a particular participant of the electoral process measured, but all of the data, individually and comparatively, were sorted for each electronic medium while analysing the impressions and the context of the election participants to determine whether there was equal treatment of lists or candidates. For example, the RAEM Council, during the 2012 presidential campaign, was in continuous session, organising 20 extraordinary and 3 regular sessions, supervisory bodies delivered 78 petitions and 18 complaints against broadcasters. Of this number, half of the cases were prosecuted as a matter of procedure, so that the Council’s decisions to a large extent coincided with the citizens’ petitions. The Council imposed 54 measures on the broadcasters, which, at that time, it must be recognised, respected the recommendations of this body and quickly corrected the irregularities.

Two years later, during the enthronement of the current government, media legislation was still somewhat benignly violated, at least in relation to the present, whereby this very body, then, imposed fewer measures with the final conclusion that “irregularities of such magnitude were not recorded that would require the reaction of the RBA Council.”

Today, when TV PINK news programmes flagrantly violate election rules, openly cheering for Vucic, and reference his rivals only mockingly all the while undermining their dignity, RAEM fails to respond at the same time blatant lying by circulating information that it is not their responsibility to react. All these reports can be found on the RAEM website and it only confirms that for the first time, and it coincides with Vucic ascending to power, that the RAEM Council is changing its longstanding practices and is actively ignoring its statutory duties and public demands.

The new Law on Electronic Media, however coarse and in many segments significantly worse than the previous one, nevertheless is clear, in Articles 5 and 22, showing that RAEM is an independent body exercising public authority in order to “improve the quality and diversity of electronic media, to contribute to the preservation, protection and development of freedom of opinion and expression in order to protect the public interest” and to conduct analysis and research in order to protect those interests. Thereby, irrespectively of the citizens’ petitions, Council members individually can raise issues concerning election campaign violation because the supervision of electronic media is in accordance with democratic European practices. Therefore, no one has the right to prevent RAEM from conducting research and especially not to prohibit the publication of the results to the public.

RАEM’s announcement at the end of the third week of the campaign and the ban on broadcasting of the Serbian Progressive Party promotional video where a chant can heard “Vucic is a fag”, while Vucic together with the parliamentary speaker, at press conferences, in numerous interviews, never fails to mention the same juicy quote, is not only an insult to the LGBT population, but it’s an insult to all decent people. The promotional video is in fact banned because it violated the Advertising Law, which specifies that “advertising messages must not contain statements or visual presentation which may be considered offensive.” It is offensive that RAEM fails to respect Article 50 of its own Law on Electronic Media, which explicitly states that “The controller ensures that all programme content must respect dignity and human rights,” So, Vucic’s favourite TV PINK does quite the opposite to what is desired, and contributions to scandalous violations not only of normative but also the moral standards.

If it were not for this ban, no one would know that RAEM exists. On the official website one can find that the last regular session of the Council was held on 25th January, an extraordinary session even earlier on 22nd December, but the measure of last resort, a warning, was sent on 7th November last year. For the ban on broadcasting the promotional video it was voted on via a telephone session.

All that is happening at the moment with the Regulator, and the circumstances which surround it, is the result of a process initiated in 2014, which, as I’ve already said, coincides directly with the coming to power of turncoat Radicals, that is, the Progressives. By introducing changes to the media laws, which were led by formal and obligatory debates, the status of the independent institution, RAEM, was threatened and many, even media professionals, failed to grasp the long term consequences. The aftermath is such that the media scene, with honourable exceptions, is under direct control and in a vassal status to the very same government. What else could be expected from the minister known for introducing an inquisitorial Law on Public Information?

Fragile democracy and its development, creating, among others, independent bodies to supervise the government, from the Anti-Corruption Council and its namesake agencies to an independent regulator, initiated on the 5th October, are being degraded and made pointless day in, day out.

How is RAEM independent when it is not financially independent nor is it independent in the decision making process?  Although it is not financed directly from the state budget, but is funded by “media service providers”, that is, electronic media, the annual financial plans for “independent institutions” is approved by the Government, and as a rule, with a delay of 12 months. RAEM Council’s request to reduce the fees radio and television stations are obliged to pay has been simmering for more than three years in the Government’s drawers. Without the advice from the Ministry of Culture and Information not a single Act can be altered. Professional services and supervisory agencies, rather RAEM, have been declared civil servants, although not directly financed from the state’s coffers, so there is an inconceivable situation where the President of the Council, who is also the Director of the Agency, is pretending to be a state bureaucrat and a hardly independent Council member. And that is exactly why we find ourselves in this schizophrenic situation. What is worse, for more than a year, the Regulators’ Council hasn’t had an elected President, while the duty is performed by the very same Goran Petrovic, as deputy, as it clearly states on the official RAEM website. Recently, in his second term, was elected once again as a Council member. So, with good reason, I seriously doubt that because of his loyalty to the authorities who elected him, neither he nor RAEM can perform their intended service adequately. If we bear in mind that since the establishment of RBA, later RAEM, not a single public call for tender has been made, seventy people, and I hear that there are now a hundred, have been employed by Cekic, Porfirije, Karadzic, and now Petrovic, according to recommendations, which and what kind can only be hinted at!?…

As a member of the Council, with a colleague Bozo Nikolic, I discovered how the elections of managing board members of public service broadcasters were fixed and arranged, not of course by EU directives, but by the previous President Karadzic who boasted a link with Vucic. RAEM’s avoidance to perform its responsibilities and to answer the many questions raised by the public is only the more visible aspect of returning to an authoritarian society, in order to protect the leader and his “excellence” in electronic media. RAEM’s dubiously elected Council members in parliament and the Public Services Steering Committee is only an appearance which hides a very unpleasant core.

Therefore, it is not enough just to send petitions to RAEM, but also to the Ministry of Culture and the Government. It is necessary, as soon as the Serbian Parliament is back in session, to initiate the procedure for amending the law, especially the method by which members of the Council of this regulatory body are elected, including the procedure for the dismissal of the acting RAEM managing director, as the most responsible person, who, along with others who are keeping their heads down in the Council, have turned the noble idea of democratic and independent institutions into a farce, while dangerously violating the law.

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This article has been produced as a part of the project Western Balkan’s Regional Platform for advocating media freedom and journalists’ safety with the financial assistance of the European Union. The contents of this article are the sole responsibility of the Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia and its authors, and can in no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the European Union.

Nedopustive prijetnje novinaru “Euroblica”

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Banja Luka,17.03.2017.-Klub novinara Banjaluka najoštrije osuđuje prijetnje novinaru “Euroblica” Nikoli Morači, koje mu je sinoć u telefonskom razgovoru uputio Zoran Tunjić, brat direktorice banjalučkog Centra za socijalni rad Vere Sladojević nakon serije tekstova o propustima Centra u procesima usvajanja dvoje djece, državljana BiH, u Kanadi.

Nedopustivo je da se bilo ko novinarima obraća uz neprimjeren rječnik i prijetnje članovima porodice. Užasno je to što je u ovom slučaju Morači rečeno “napali ste moju djecu, pripazi se da ne napadnu i tvoju”.

Klub novinara Banjaluka poziva nadležne institucije da hitno preduzmu zakonom propisane mjere i da reaguju u okviru svojih nadležnosti s obzirom na to da je slučaj prijavljen policiji.

Upozoravamo da su novinari često izloženi prijetnjama i napadima u obavljanju svog posla. Podsjećamo da je Linija za pomoć novinarima Udruženja BH novinari u periodu od 2006. do 2016. zabilježila da više od 45% prijetnji i napada na novinare nikad nisu istraženi ili su “arhivirani” zbog nemogućnosti utvrđivanja identiteta počinitelja.

 

S poštovanjem,

Klub novinara Banjaluka

Podignuta optužnica zbog prijetnje Borisu Dežuloviću

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SPLIT, 20.03.2017. –  Splitsko Općinsko državno odvjetništvo podiglo je optužnicu protiv 27-godišnjaka, koji je putem društvene mreže Facebook prijetio smrću splitskom novinaru i književniku Borisu Dežuloviću.

Okrivljeniku se stavlja na teret da je 23. prosinca 2016. putem svog Facebook profila napisao prijeteću poruku na Facebook profilu kluba gdje je u sklopu književne večeri trebao nastupiti Boris Dežulović. Poruku u kojoj okrivljenik vrijeđa Dežulovića i prijeti mu ubojstvom, voditeljica kluba je pokazala oštećeniku, navodi se u priopćenju objavljenom na mrežnoj stranici DORH-a.

Općinsko državno odvjetništvoitu predložilo je sudu izricanje uvjetne osude na kaznu zatvora u trajanju od šest mjeseci, tako da okrivljenik ne bi išao u zatvor ako u roku od godinu dana ne bi počinio novo kazneno djelo.

Nastavljeno suđenje u slučaju premlaćivanja novinara Željka Peratovića

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ZAGREB, 17.03.2017. – Svjedočenjem oštećenika, novinara Željka Peratovića, na Općinskom kaznenom sudu u Zagrebu nastavljeno je suđenje Vladimiru Čunku, Čunkovom sinu te Zihnijii Grahoviću, optuženima za premlaćivanje Peratovića na njegovu imanju u Luci Pokupskoj pored Karlovca, 28. svibnja 2015.

Čunko stariji optužen je da je poticao na kazneno djelo, dok su Čunko mlađi i Grahović optuženi za pokušaj nanošenja teških tjelesnih ozljeda Peratoviću. Sva su trojica optužena i za povredu privatnosti doma, a mlađi Čunko i Zihnija za materijalnu štetu i uništenje imovine.

Prema Peratovićevom svjedočenju, Čunko stariji i Grahović najprije su ušli u njegovo dvorište i počeli ga ispitivati o poslu. Čunko stariji rekao je da je pjeskar, da je Peratović ‘naštetio njihovom poslu’ te da su ‘došli o tome razgovarati’.

„Predstavio se kao Čunko ‘peskar’, a to znači da se bavi vađenjem pijeska. Pokušavao me uhvatiti za lijevu ruku. Izmicao sam se i nije mi bilo jasno što hoće pa je nadodao da sam svojim pisanjem naštetio njihovom poslu, no to nije istina jer sam podnio kaznenu prijavu protiv nepoznatog počinitelja zbog ilegalnog šljunčarenja radi kojeg je došlo do klizišta na mom imanju“, ispričao je Peratović dodajući da su mu napadači bili nepoznati.

Čunko stariji zgrabio ga je za ruku, a Grahović uhvatio u tzv. ‘kravatu’. Peratović je ispričao kako se uspio istrgnuti i pobjeći prema drvarnici gdje je uzeo vojnu lopatu kojom je pokušao zastrašiti napadače. U tom je trenutku ugledao kako Čunko mlađi trči u dvorište nakon čega su ga sva trojica okružila, a on je pobjegao u kuću.

„Sva tri moja psa u dvorištu su se uzbunila, ali nisu imali dosad takvog iskustva pa me nisu ni mogli braniti. Otrčao sam u kuću, no nisam stigao zaključati vrata i oni su ušli za mnom. Pobjegao sam udrugu prostoriju, no za mnom su stigli Grahović i Čunko mlađi, dohvatili su me i počeli udarati. Strahovao sam da će mi uzeti lopatu i raskoliti glavu. Pao sam na pod. Udarali su me nogama. Grahović me uhvatio za ruku, a Čunko mlađi me metalnom budilicom udario u sljepoočnicu. Osjetio sam ošamućenost i toplinu. Grahović je Čunku govorio da prestane, no Čunko ga je ignorirao. Skočio mi je na ramena te me počeo rukama stezati za grlo govoreći da će me ubiti”, ispričao je Peratović na sudu.  

Peratović je uspio Čunka gurnuti sa sebe, nakon čega se odlučio praviti da je u nesvijesti kako bi ga napadači pustili. Divljački ispad s vrata je promatrao Čunko stariji koji je, tvrdi Peratović, za to vrijeme tukao jednog od njegovih pasa. Napadači su potom napustili Peratovićevu kuću, a on je pozvao susjeda Franju Požgaja koji mu je pomogao, temeljem detaljnih opisa, detektirati počinitelje. Potom je pozvana i policija na čiju efikasnost Peratović ima primjedbe.

„Dok sam ja bio u bolnici, Požgaj me nazvao da mi kaže kako napadači slave u obližnjem kafiću. Kad im je ponestalo novca za alkohol, otišli su opet do moje kuće jer su očito čuli da sam pušten iz bolnice. Pokušali su provaliti u moj dom i to s lopaticom koja je ostala uz vrata. Porazbijali su stakla i oštetili ženin auto. Čunko mlađi i njegov radnik su uhićeni brzo, dok se stariji skrivao i čije prijetnje su mi kasnije prenosili ljudi iz njegova društva,“ naveo je Peratović.

„Po cjelokupnom ponašanju i djelovanju okrivljenih smatram da je to bio pokušaj ubojstva, bez obzira na kvalifikaciju Državnog odvjetništva. Tim više imam takvo mišljenje jer imam informaciju da su okrivljeni povezani s osobom koja ima motiva za mojim ubojstvom, a prema izjavama svjedoka ta je osoba bila na mjestu događaja nakon što sam ja odveden u bolnicu“, zaključio je Peratović.

Županijsko državno odvjetništvo u Karlovcu, koje je vodilo postupak po Peratovićevoj kaznenoj prijavi za pokušaj ubojstva, početkom prošle godine vratilo je kvalifikaciju na onu koju je dala policija, a to je pokušaj nanošenja teških tjelesnih ozljeda.

Pristina Basic Court accepts AJK’s recommendations, cases of journalists to be treated on time

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PRISTINA, 16.03.2017 – Representatives of the Association of Journalists of Kosovo, President Shkelqim Hysenaj and researcher Petrit Collaku met on Thursday with president of Pristina Basic Court, Aferdita Bytyci. They discussed the cases of threats and attacks against journalists that continue to remain unsolved in this court for years.

President Hysenaj presented to the Court President Bytyci the last report of the association with focus on the recommendations for judiciary in Kosovo, in which among others, it is asked to treat in a timely manner all cases against journalists, including threats, intimidation and physical attacks. Pristina Basic Court deals with almost all those cases.

Court President Bytyci stated that it will ask from respective judges to work faster in cases when journalists are the victims of violence, be it civil or criminal cases. The Basic Court in cooperation with AJK will identify all cases of journalists and other media professionals that are victims and that are waiting for the final word from justice. President Bytyci has welcomed the recommendations from AJK’s report “Indicators for the level of media freedom and journalist’s safety”, published in December 2016.

AJK calls on all its members to inform the association when they receive invitation to appear in front of court or prosecutors office.

Also, AJK asked from the Court’s President to create more transparency in trials and in particular in cases of high political profiles that represent high interest for public opinion.

EFJ greets better legal protection for journalists in Kosovo

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BRUSSELS, 15.03.2017 – Shkelqim Hysenaj, the president of the Association of Journalists of Kosovo (AJK), and researcher Petrit Collaku met on Wednesday 8 March with Aleksander Lumezi, the Kosovo’s State prosecutor, to discuss better protection for the journalists in the country.

During the discussion, the AJK president shared his concerns regarding the inefficient justice system and the unsafe environment Kosovo represents for journalists. Shkelqim Hysenaj also presented to the state prosecutor the recommendations of the AJK report “The indicators of the level of media and journalists safety” published in December 2016. It recommends improving the effectiveness of the justice system when dealing with threats and attacks against media and journalists.

Both parties agreed to appoint a coordinator to deal with those specific cases involving working journalists. This decision will imply three new principles: the cases shall be treated as a priority; a database shall be set up to keep track of them; and the chief State prosecutor shall be informed of any actions undertaken in procedure on a monthly basis.

At the end of this meeting, Lumezi assured the attendees that the State prosecutor shall cooperate with all journalists, without any discrimination regardless of the media they represent.

Suša: REM mora da radi u interesu javnosti, a ne partija

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BEOGRAD; 14.03.2017. – Bivša članica Saveta Regulatornog tela za elektronske medije (REM) Gordana Suša rekla, povodom najave tog tela da neće raditi monitoring medijskog sadržaja tokom kampanje, da je zakon precizan i da REM ne bi trebalo da radi u interesu partije već javnosti.

REM je najavio da neće raditi monitoring medijskog sadržaja tokom kampanje za predsedničke izbore, već da će nadzor vršiti po prijavama građana o uočenim nepravilnostima.

“Ne znam da li je to zvaničan stav Saveta REM ili omaška nekog iz tog tela, jer zakon je precizan, ne radi REM u interesu neke partije već javnosti, dovoljno je da javnost zahteva, REM bi već po tom principu trebalo da radi. Član 5 zakona o elektronskim medijima jasno kaže šta su dužnosti REM”, rekla je Suša u Danu uživo N1.

Stvar je veoma jasna i “sada možemo da se pitamo u čijem interesu regulatorno telo radi ako je to njihov stav”, rekla je Suša.

Šef pravnog tima CRTA posmatračke misije Građani na straži Pavle Dimitrijević rekao je da ako se najave REM pokažu kao tačne, to znači da se to telo izuzelo iz ovlašćenja i da se svelo na minimum svog rada, a to su prijave.

“To je pitanje za REM, interes građana je da imaju informacije u kojim slučajevima su emiteri prekršili propise, mi smo u situaciji da izveštavanje medija nema ko da prati sa strane institucija i to je jako loše”, kaže Dimitrijević.

Suša je rekla da nije stvar u tumačenju, jer je dosadašnja praksa pokazala da su se raniji izveštaji o monitoringu objavljivali.

“Prioritetan stav REM je da analizira rad medija, ako nema monitornig službu, na osnovu čega donosi opomene, upozorava, neku televiziju privremeno zatvori… Dosadašnja praksa je pokazivala da su se svi ti izveštaji objavljivali, ovo je prekidanje dosadašnje prakse i nema veze sa zakonom”, kaže
ona.

Dimitrijević je dodao da REM svojim nečinjenjem štetno deluje na izborni proces i ističe da je i Skupština imala zakonsku obavezu da formira nadzorni odbor koji bi pratio rad emitera, ali se to nije desilo. Kako smatra, opšta klima je da nema nezavisnih tela koja bi pratila izbore.

Suša je istakla da “odgovorno tvrdi da postoji izveštaj REM o prethodnim vanrednim parlamentarnim izborima”, i postavlja pitanje zašto niko neće da ga objavi.

“Da li REM radi u intersu javnosti ili partije na vlasti ili neke interesne grupe. Izveštaj postoji, videla sam ga. Izveštaj je završen, ali nije ugledao svetlost dana”, istakla je ona.

Suša je rekla da je iznenađena izjavom da REM nema softver za praćenje predizbornog programa, iako je on kupljen kada je ona bila član Saveta tog tela.

“Besmislen izgovor oko softvera, kompletan sistem je uspostavljen u REM, bila sam u komisiji koja je odlučivala na osnovi javnih nabavki, softver može da uvidi kada premijer ili ministri koriste svoje funkcije za kampanju”, rekla je ona.

Samo prvog dana kada su raspisani izbori, na jednoj televiziji Vučić je imao više od 1.000 sekundi – u poređenju sa drugima, Popović nula, Janković 15 sekundi. Merač nije potreban kad pogledate kakva je kampanja i vidljivost Vučića u odnosu na njih, krše se sva pravila ravnomerne zastupljenosti.

NUNS i NDNV: Skandalozne sudske presude protiv novinara Cvetkovića

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BEOGRAD – NOVI SAD, 14.03.2017. – Nezavisno udruženje novinara Srbije (NUNS) i Nezavisno društvo novinara Vojvodine (NDNV) smatraju da su presude Osnovnog suda u Vršcu, tačnije sudije Cvete Kajević Grubišić, kojima je novinar Stefan Cvetković osuđen na ukupno 2 godine i 3 meseca zatvora i na novčanu kaznu od 2,15 miliona dinara – u potpunosti skandalozne i da moraju da budu poništene na višim sudskim instancama.

Zahtevamo takođe da nadležna pravosudna tela procene da li je sudija koja je donela ovakve presude uopšte kompetentna da obavlja sudijsku dužnost.

Dodatno nas zabrinjava činjenica da su ove presude donete na osnovu privatnih krivičnih prijava funkcionera Srpske naprednke stranke u Vršcu, i to koordinatora SNS-a za južni Banat Branka Malovića, predsednika opštine Alibunar Predraga Belića, kao i funkcionera SNS-a Dejana Simeunovića, što može biti znak da je sud poslužio sam kao sredstvo obračuna sa nepodobnim novinarom.

Presude predstavljaju primer dubokog nerazumevanja međunarodnih i domaćih standarda slobode izražavanja i slobode medija, izazivajući ozbiljnu sumnju u Ustavom garantovanu nezavisnost sudova.

O ovoj presudi obavestićemo i međunarodne organizacije, od kojih ćemo zahtevati da reaguju na presude koje su u potpunoj suprotnosti sa sudskom praksom Evropskog suda za ljudska prava, kao i sa usvojenim konceptom medijskih sloboda u demokratskim društvima.

Novinarske organizacije iz regije traže prestanak napada na makedonske novinare

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Skoplje, 11.03.2017.-Regionalna mreža za zastupanje slobode medija i sigurnosti novinara izražava punu solidarnost i podršku novinarima i medijskim radnicima u Makedoniji koji se suočavaju sa stalnim pritiscima, uključujući i fizičke napade te prijetnje smrću.

Posebno zabrinjava činjenica da su u koordinirane napade uključeni i nositelji javnih funkcija i predstavnici državnih institucija. U posljednje četiri godine u Makedoniji su zabilježena 44 napada na novinare od kojih se u posljednjih godinu dana dogodilo 19.

„Dok Evropski sud za ljudska prava u Strasbourgu utvrđuje kršenje slobode javnog izražavanja u Makedoniji, makedonske institucije nisu kaznile niti jednog napadača na novinare“, izjavio je Naser Selmani, predsjednik Društva novinara Makedonije.

Članovi regionalne mreže koja se zalaže za slobodu izražavanja i sigurnost novinara traži od makedonskih institucija da spriječe bilo kakvo nasilje prema novinarima te da brzo i efikasno istraže sve dosadašnje napade te kazne napadače.

Regionalna mreža snažno podržava Društvo novinara Makedonije i njegove napore u zaštiti novinara i slobode govora. Istovremeno pozivamo međunarodne organizacije koje se bave zaštitom slobode medija i prava novinara da učine dodatni pritisak na makedonske vlasti da poštuju slobodu izražavanja, te slobodu medija i novinara.

Svaki napad na novinare napad je na javni interes, demokraciju i prava svih građana.

Skopje – Beograd – Podgorica – Priština – Sarajevo – Zagreb

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Nezavisno udruženje novinara Srbije

Društvo novinara Makedonije